UGANDA AND CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER

UGANDA AND CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND - UGANDA Pre-Colonial Societies; The Introduction of Foreign Religions; British Protectorate Policies and The 1900 Agreement; Indirect Rule and the Privileged Place of the Baganda Oligarchy; Direct Rule; The (Under)development of Local Industry; The (Under)development of the North; The Language Problem; Dislocation and Destruction: Independence – 1986; NRM and the Challenges of Reform 1.1 PRE-COLONIAL SOCIETIES Before the British renamed and reconfigured the territory, what is now Uganda was then an array of kingdoms (Buganda, Bunyoro, Ankole and Toro) and communities located in the Lango, Acholi, Madi, West Nile, Bukedi, Bugisi, Busoga, Teso, Karamoja, Sebei and Kigezi regions. It was a heterogeneous area, with a variety of customary practices, social and political structures. Across the northern region, population was scarce and the environment unduly harsh; people engaged either in herding or shifting agriculture. Pastoral groups, such as the Karamojong, had little opportunity to settle in social units and family relations took precedence over the clan. Among agriculturalists, such as the Acholi, people were able to form larger social units but these were temporary, as even these groups had to move every few years. For both, the little surplus available from their labours was used within the households, where there was minimal division of labour between men, women, old and young. Clans focused on religious practice, and the main social distinction that existed was between ‘elders and nonelders’. Elders were elected to serve on Community councils but were not entitled to special tributes or other privileges. They were responsible for selecting clan leaders who, in turn, chaired the councils. Clan leaders were responsible to the council, and could not make war or peace without consensus. Similarly, elders had joint responsibility for resolving disputes. Inter-clan violence was common and deadly; clans fought over cattle, land, women and goods. It was difficult to maintain peace in these regions. These non-stratified social systems existed in much of North and Eastern Uganda (among the Lango, Madi, Lugbara, Karamajong, Acholi, Iteso, Sebei, Alur, Kakwa, Jonamu, Japadhola, Gwere, Samia, Bagishu Badama, Banyuli, Bagwere) and in some parts of the South (among the Bakiga, Bakongo and Bamba) (However, these communal norms had begun to change even before Uganda was made a protectorate in 1894. In all, except the most remote communities, increased contacts with other groups resulted in more centralised forms of governance, which were considered necessary for preparation and defence in war.) In the greater part of the South, where there were better environmental conditions and higher levels of development, feudal kingdoms developed (among the Baganda, Banyankore, Batoro, Banyoro and Basoga), in which peasants were required to pay tributes to the lords. The surplus was largely paid in kind and used for consumption, though there was ‘non-competitive’ trade within regions and across states. Mamdani notes that particularly in the South, ‘women were a means of production, to be owned, exchanged, and distributed. The most advanced forms of accumulation were cattle and women, in that order’. Labour was not merely divided by sex and age; there were different tasks for peasant men, women and slaves. Further, there were skilled artisans and carpenters who provided services to the lords and regional specializations (such as copper-works in Toro and canoe building in Busoga) had begun to develop. There were important distinctions across southern Kingdoms. Ankole became a class-based society, in which the Bahima ruling class controlled the use of violence and owned the cattle. Bunyoro-Kitare, which was the most powerful kingdom in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, had fairly rigid social divisions between its pastoral aristocrats and agricultural serfs. Buganda was, reputedly, a more fluid society, in which peasants could be recruited to higher positions. Eventually, these distinctions contributed to Bunyoro’s demise and Buganda’s ascendancy, for while the Kingdom of Buganda was able to build its administration by recruiting the ‘ordinary’ people, Bunyoro relied increasingly on a group of elite pastoralists. Nevertheless, compared with Ankole and Bunyoro, the Buganda monarchy had more control over the use of force. In Ankole and Bunyoro, territorial leaders had the power to contest the kings’ actions. The Kabakas (kings/heads of all clans heads) of Buganda had substantial authority, and eventually used it to assert their right to kill offending subjects. By the nineteenth century, kingdoms regularly used raids to expand their territory and influence. Fixed group associations did not have the personal significance they subsequently gained. Ethnic association became substantially more politicised and tribalised during and after British rule. However, there were numerous conflicts: Buganda-Bunyoro tensions and wars preceded the British and so did those between more and less powerful regions, such as Buganda and the eastern territories of Bukedi, Busoga and Bugisi. Intraethnic conflicts were also quite common; Many was the result of religious differences among the Catholics, Protestants and Muslims. 1.2 BRITISH PROTECTORATE POLICIES AND THE 1900 AGREEMENT Captain Lugard’s mandate in Uganda was to extend the commercial enterprises of the Imperial British East Africa Company. He executed his role effectively, obtaining treaties and facilitating British control, without much of the local population even being aware of developments. Protectorate status differed somewhat from colonisation. It relied more on treaties with the indigenous population and less on using British finances to support the economy. Therefore, Sir Harry Johnston, who was appointed Special Commissioner for the Uganda Protectorate in 1899, was instructed to ensure that ‘trade [was] established on a smooth basis; administration [was] placed on a permanent and satisfactory footing; control over taxation [was] exercised without arousing native suspicions; no effort [was] spared to preserve external appearances by which the collection of revenue and its expenditure took place within the formal structure of traditional authority; governance and development of Uganda [were] carried out with as little reliance as possible on metropolitan finances. The Uganda Agreement of 1900 was the key to achieving these objectives. The principal parties to the Agreement were the Baganda oligarchy (who wanted to retain their traditional power and desired long-term British military support to guarantee their security) and Johnston, the representative of the British Crown (who needed to secure the best arrangement feasible for Britain’s economic profit). Under the final terms, the British allocated 10,034 square miles of land to the ‘great chiefs’ and the Royal Household, and retained all uncultivated, waste and forest lands for the British Crown. An additional eight thousand square miles of land were divided among notables and lesser chiefs (Mamdani, 1996). Peasants now became tenants of the new Baganda mailo (mile-owning) landlords, the majority of whom were Protestants. Native Councils would continue to exist and chiefs were required to collect taxes. Johnston maintained that ‘enough taxes should be collected to enable the government of the Protectorate to be run on a basis of complete self-sufficiency’. 1.2.1 Indirect Rule and the Privileged Place of the Baganda Oligarchy Sathyamurthy (1986) argues that the Uganda Agreement both legitimised the social changes that had already taken place in Buganda (among religious groups and among clan heads, peasants and the oligarchy) and triggered new tensions and conflicts within Buganda and between the Baganda and other ethnic groups. Among the Baganda, economic inequalities increased as the new landowners managed and exploited the peasantry. Unequal relationships between Buganda and other regions, particularly Bunyoro, also increased as the Baganda oligarchy now had administrative power. The British actively stratified the kingdoms: Though Ankole and Toro did not enjoy Buganda’s special standing, they were also given Agreement status; however, Bunyoro was treated as ‘enemy territory’. Baganda chiefs were instrumental in ‘mediating British rule’ or, as Mamdani describes, in instituting ‘decentralised despotism’. Native administrations followed ethnic boundaries, except in areas where it was not feasible to form a district (such as West Nile, Bugisu, Bukedi, Toro and Kigezi). Rather than utilizing indigenous leaders, the British deployed the Baganda and its Kiganda (centralised and hierarchical) model of administration in much of Uganda. At the local level, appointed chiefs held judicial, legislative, executive and administrative power. Under the guise of native laws, they forced labour, crops, sales and contributions. The Baganda had another role: to spread the Christian (protestant) gospel to all and sundry. Revolts against Baganda rule became common throughout Uganda. The Banyoro were particularly resentful, and not without cause: Baganda armies had helped the British to conquer the Banyoro (who were, reputedly, fiercely resistant to colonial incursions) and the Basoga. As a reward to Buganda, sizeable portions of Bunyoro land---the Lost Counties---were transferred to Buganda, and the residents made tenants of the Kabaka and his chiefs. There were revolts against other imposed native authorities as well. The Rwenzururu Movement, which started in 1962, demanded separate districts for the Bamba and the Bankonjo, and complete secession from Toro. The Movement resented Batoro subjugation and proceeded to institute a separate Kingdom in the Rwenzori Mountains areas. Though its leader subsequently returned the Kingdom to the Ugandan government in 1983, tensions and sub-nationalist sentiments remain. 1.2.2 DIRECT RULE Centralized administration (via direct rule) excluded native institutions and practices and demanded conformity with European directives. Kanyeihamba (2002) describes what this meant for legal administration. Up until 1920, all executive and legislative powers were invested in the British Commissioner. Subsequently, in 1920, a new Consolidating Order in Council was promulgated, and this provided for executive and legislative councils. However, up until 1926 when one Indian was appointed as an unofficial member, all the councillors were Europeans. The 1926 provision was meant to appease the Indian community and to coordinate the interests of the European and Indian commercial groups, though it was important that Indian involvement was, as far as was possible, restricted. (Indians were brought to Uganda as indentured labourers from the nineteenth century. After the period of indentureship ended, many remained and engaged in commerce) Africans, despite their dissatisfaction with being excluded from government, were considered ‘too backward to contribute much to the development of the country’. Africans were not included until 1945, under the firm stipulation that representatives were to be ‘men of substance and authority, of ripe experience and possessed of a developed sense of responsibility that may be expected of those holding high office in the Native Governments and Administrations’. Further, ‘only Buganda and the Western and Eastern provinces were to be represented’. Northern involvement was denied since, as the governor claimed, ‘their tribal and administrative organisations have not yet in all districts advanced to the stage requiring the creation of centralised native executives’. These attitudes eventually pervaded the churches. Pulford (1999) describes how churches began to charge fees based on race and how missionary schools taught the geography and history of the metropolitan countries. Museveni’s (1997) biography notes the ways in which religion fostered social distinctions: ‘Christianisation’ involved an element of modernisation and this demanded changes…which penetrated to the deepest aspects our traditional culture. It even affected our eating habits because keeping to traditional ways was considered ‘pagan and ungodly’. 1.2.3 The (Under) development of Local Industry The centralized and decentralized administrative/political systems facilitated British economic policy. Uganda was to develop primary products, such as cotton, coffee, sugar, rubber and tea in order to meet the needs of the mother country. Conversely, it was to import manufactured products from Britain. Production and wealth were effectively concentrated in the South, particularly among the elite. The introduction of export crops was done at the expense of local industry, as new taxation policies were developed to ensure that small-scale entrepreneurs were appropriately discouraged. Additionally, small independent traders were either forcibly excluded from the market and/or coerced (largely through intermediaries such as Baganda chiefs) to produce for the metropole (Kasozi 1999; Mamdani 1996) Kasozi notes that the British systematically undermined African industry, while encouraging European and Asian immigration and participation. Between 1949 and 1959, the number of European immigrants increased from 3,448 to 10,866. Over that same period, the number of Asian (Indo-Pakistani) immigrants increased from 35,215 to 71, 933. While the Baganda were preoccupied with land ownership and administration, Asians became involved in commerce: retail and wholesale trade, cotton ginning, coffee and sugar processing. The British encouraged this, though for their profit. By the late 1940s, the banks were British or Indian-based. Kasozi notes that banks rarely lent to Africans, though they accumulated African savings. Africans were largely excluded from wholesale trade as, according to colonial policy, licenses could only be issued to traders who owned permanent buildings of stone or concrete. In 1959, ‘Africans handled less than 10% of national trade’. This colonial policy provoked intense resentment; Africans felt alienated and for a long time regarded Asians as foreigners and exploiters. Idi Amin tried to capitalize on African discontent, at a huge cost to the economy. (See 1.3 Dislocation and Destruction: Independence – 1986) 1.2.4 The (Under)development of the North The North was used as a reservoir for labour and later, soldiers. When, in 1925, the new Director of Agriculture started to encourage cotton production in the North, he was summarily advised that ‘the policy of government is at present to refrain from actively stimulating the production of cotton or other economic crops in outlying districts on which it is dependent for a supply of labour for carrying out of essential services in the central producing districts’. This economic zoning of the country perpetuated the neglect and underdevelopment in the North and fomented regional tensions. It also ingrained feelings of superiority in the South and inferiority (at least in terms of production). However, the North had the means to retaliate, as it monopolized the use of force. The Acholi succeeded the Nubians (Ugandans of Sudanese descent), who up until the Sudanese mutiny (1897) were regarded as the ‘best material for soldiery in Africa’. Lwanga-Lunyiigo argues that the British ascribed to a ‘martial tribes’ thesis that prioritised the Nilotic and Sudanese people of Northern Uganda. These groups were considered the most satisfactory fit for the theory that soldiers should be of a different race, geographically distant and even hostile to the main groups. The Acholi were recruited to the Kings Africa Rifles, with the mandate to ‘take action against any local group(s) in the Protectorate which engaged in active opposition to the Administration’. Lwanga-Lunyiigo is clear that ‘colonialism built up the army as an instrument of coercion as a pacifying army, not as a people’s force to ensure defence against external aggression’. Furthermore, much of Uganda, including the Northerners, came to believe that only groups from the North had the right to bear arms. He emphasizes that this was a ‘myth’ that both Milton Obote and Idi Amin (See Section 1.3 below ) exploited, and the source of ‘the most bitter legacies of colonialism’. 1.2.5 The Language Problem The lack of a common Ugandan language helped to perpetuate inter-group and inter-regional conflicts {Kasozi 1999). According to recent estimates, 70% of Ugandans speak one of the Bantu languages. Bantu ethnic groups are concentrated in the South and include the Ganda, Soga, Ankole, Nyoro, and Toro. Western Nilotic speakers (Acholi, Lango and Alur) live in the North; Eastern Nilotic speakers (Karamojong, Teso, and Turkana) live in the Northeast and Sudanic speakers (the Lugbara) in the northwest. (See Map of Uganda) Though the British government had introduced Kiswahili into the primary school curriculum, it subsequently declared that all vernaculars, including Kiswahili, were subordinate to English. Meanwhile, the Christian hierarchy discouraged Kiswhaili, regarding it as the language of Islam; the Baganda discounted it as the language of ‘prostitutes and thieves’ and subsequently, as it was used among the army, it became known as’ the language of violence’. Therefore, English became the official language for administration. Kasozi (1999) notes that as is not common among the peasants, English is another ‘stratifying agent’, dividing society into ‘the privileged who speak it and the deprived who do not’. 1.3 DISLOCATION AND DESTRUCTION: INDEPENDENCE – 1986 Despite the colonial precedent, few would have predicted Uganda’s considerable post-Independence decline; instead, there was an expectation that economic growth would continue, with a leading role for the Baganda elite. However, whereas ethnicity had been used as the mode of indirect colonial rule, it now became the medium of protest. Further, religion, ethnicity and politics were mixed in very unhealthy ways. People, particularly those from the North who were widely resentful of the Baganda’s prestige and privilege, supported Milton Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), which comprised a distinctly non-Baganda but Protestant majority. Obote was soon to discover that without Baganda support he would be unable to win a governing majority. Accordingly, he formed an alliance with Buganda’s Kabaka Yekka (King before All) party in order to exclude the Democratic Party, which was predominantly Catholic. At Independence in 1962, Obote was elected Prime Minister and Kabaka Mutesa II, President. Under the terms of the agreement, Buganda would have authority over the other kingdoms, as well as representation in the National Assembly. The alliance disintegrated shortly thereafter and culminated with the Kabaka’s forceful expulsion from Uganda. Obote now declared himself President and set about destroying all ‘kingdoms and feudalism’; dictating a new constitution and establishing a one-party state; and assuming control of commercial enterprises. In response to real and perceived threats to his position, Obote used the largely Northern-sourced (and British and Israeli trained) military to crush the opposition. Therefore, in less than a decade after Independence, people had lost faith in the promises of procedural and substantive democracy. As Brett describes it, ‘bullets rather than ballots dominated politics’. When Idi Amin—Obote’s former ally and Army Chief of Staff---capitalized on tensions within the army and deposed Obote in absentia, there was popular approval both at home and abroad. This was another ‘new dawn’. During his first year of rule, Amin seemed intent on building legitimacy and support, including between the Baganda and religious groups. However, by 1972, when he recognised that his overtures had had little effect, Amin launched a frenetic economic and political programme, which involved expelling 70,000 Asians and capturing their assets (immediately removing needed business skills and access to credit); appointing Muslims to key positions in the army, thereby alienating the majority Christian country; attacking the Langi and Acholi and isolating the north; dismantling the Kingdom of Buganda into separate districts; and dissolving the Cabinet. Amin succeeded in building enemies in all parts and, in a final attempt to secure his regime, succumbed to what Low describes as a ‘reckless and bestial’ slaughter of whole communities, prominent individuals (including the Chief Justice of Uganda and the Vice-Chancellor of Makerere) and members of his Cabinet. Amin’s assault on the Church demonstrated his paranoia. He considered himself threatened by small independent and Pentecostal churches, as they were supposed to have international connections that could work against him. The Catholic and Anglican churches had substantial support among the majority of Ugandans and could, therefore, be easily mobilised. There are reports that even Muslims were persecuted. Archbishop Luwun was apparently assassinated because he was from Obote’s Lwo ethnic group, and though he was not involved in politics, the Archbishop had been forced, on occasion, to make submissions on behalf of the Langi and Acholi (Ward 1995). Amin’s reach extended beyond Uganda. Maintaining that Uganda had rights to parts of Tanzania, Sudan, and Kenya, he started his assault on Tanzania in 1978. Ugandan soldiers occupied parts of Tanzania for over two months, persecuted citizens and killed livestock. Tanzania retaliated by invading Uganda and taking Kampala. Amin was ousted; his era of terror ended in 1979. Lule, the non-royal Muganda who succeeded Amin, was rather unconvincing as a leader and was soon overthrown by Binaisa, also a Muganda. However, Binaisa lacked popular support and alienated many within the army when he sacked Museveni, then the Minister of Defence, and the Army Chief of Staff. Army officials replaced Binaisa with Paulo Muwanga, a former member of the Uganda National Congress. In 1980, Milton Obote succeeded Muwanga in a purportedly fraudulent election. Religion, ethnicity and politics were crucial in this election. Ward (1995) notes that constituency boundaries were drawn so as to split the predominantly Catholic (DP) areas. In Buganda, DP was the party of choice, even among Protestants. The Baganda were fearful that Obote would attempt to reduce the Kingdom’s autonomy and that the Anglicans would support him. In the north and east, where there was deep resentment of the Baganda, people (especially the Lwo and Ateso) voted for the UPC. Under Obote’s second term, ethnic flavoured politics continued and was again characterised by Northern appointments to the army and a repressive military campaign against non-UPC supporters (also played out in the churches). Obote’s attempt at political monopoly provoked widespread resistance in the South and West Nile, with armed opposition from the People’s Resistance Army (PRA), under Yoweri Museveni’s guidance. Museveni was born in Southwest Uganda, among the Banyankore Bahima. He studied political science in Tanzania---where he was greatly influenced by socialist ideologies---and trained in counterinsurgency in Mozambique. His People’s Resistance Army (PRA) largely comprised Banyankole, Baganda and Bayarwanda soldiers. In 1981, the PRA joined with Yusuf Lule’s Uganda Freedom Fighters, and formed the National Resistance Movement. The NRM comprised the National Resistance Council and the National Resistance Army; the latter had responsibility for ‘organizing and winning the war effort, politicising the army, educating the public and defending the population’ (Kasozi, 1999). The NRA spread quickly through Ankole, Buganda and Toro, and solidified peasant support with its socialist ideologies and practical strategies for building citizenship. Meanwhile, Obote increased his efforts to eradicate the NRA and launched “Operation Bonanza” in 1982. This failed, and Obote’s soldiers resorted to a brutal slaughter of villagers, which many claim, was even more extreme that Amin’s; it is estimated that over 100000 Ugandans were killed in the Luwero Triangle. In 1985, Barjilio Okello deposed Obote, who had, by then, lost much support even within his government. The Military Council, which was formed to administer the country, installed General Tito Okello Lutwa as president, and Barjilio Okello as chief of staff. Negotiations between the Okello regime and the NRM started but quickly stalled, amidst charges that the Military Council had reneged on agreements and had flagrantly abused human rights. In January 1986, the NRA toppled the Okello regime and the NRM became Uganda’s eighth government. 1.4 NRM AND THE CHALLENGES OF REFORM Kasozi (1999) analyses the social conditions that produced the violence in Uganda, and categorizes them as social inequality (generated by unequal trading relationships and local regional, ethnic, religious and gender disparities); the existence of sub-states, ethnic and religious factionalism; poor conflict resolution mechanisms; absence of an indigenous property-owning class; the post-Independence decrease in national production; parochial, weak and poorly educated leaders; and the language problem. He notes the following: 1. ‘On the eve of independence, colonial Uganda was…a resource-rich country [that] had long been paying the costs of its administration and by 1916 was no longer a burden to the taxpayer’; 2. ‘After independence, unlike Kenya, Uganda attracted no substantial foreign investment or aid, and unlike other dependent ex-colonies Uganda’s subsistence sector was not only self-supporting but very strong’; 3. ‘Life expectancy was for a long time as impressive as that of some industrialized countries; the literacy rate was high, road and communications systems were good and medical services reasonable’; 4. [By 1985] over one million Ugandans were killed; overall life expectancy [was reduced] from over fifty to forty years; infant mortality increased from 91.9/1000 in 1973 to 100/1000 in 1984; maternal mortality increased; the ratio of doctors per population decreased from 1/10000 to 1/25000; ‘ignorance, disease and poverty became the norm of many Ugandans of all social classes’. In 1988, Low cautiously predicted that the NRM had a ‘better chance of success than any of its predecessors’. First, the NRM had managed to build a fairly credible coalition, comprised of representatives from former political parties, Bantu southerners and Baganda supporters. Second, the South now had an army, which in principle was not permitted to abuse or kill any member of the public; this boosted the NRM’s image. Third, a Southern-based government, with its core support around it, would have less urgent security concerns; previous northern political leaders were always on guard against ‘close enemies’. Museveni’s immediate (post-coup) political moves helped him to build some legitimacy beyond his ‘heartland’ area in the South and Southwest and, importantly, to raise expectations of broad public participation, government accountability and improved welfare. Consistent with the democracy, security and unity objectives outlined in its Ten-Point Programme, the NRM expanded Resistance Councils (RCs) to the entire country. RCs, which had previously been established in the areas under guerrilla control, operated on the principle that decision-making power, authority and policy-making responsibilities should also be located at the local levels and that citizens should be able to reach and influence their representatives and hold them to account for the quality of services. The Local Council (LC) system that replaced it, operated on the same principles. Uganda was to be a distinct no-party democracy. Apart from promoting inclusion at these levels, Museveni’s strategy for conflict prevention entailed incorporation of hitherto moderate and virulent critics within government. Dicklitch notes that this elite cooptation effectively fragmented the opposition into moderate and radical camps. While the moderate group resigned itself to cooperate and participate in government, the radical elements continued to firmly insist on multiparty democracy. Supported by a hopeful donor community, Museveni committed himself to economic growth, political stability and legitimacy. Uganda’s economy responded with an average growth rate of 6% in the 1990s. Donors pronounced that Uganda was, indeed, ‘a pioneer of macroeconomic stabilization and structural adjustment in sub-Saharan Africa’, while even the more strident critics acknowledged that the Movement deserved to be credited for improving and sustaining peace and security in most parts of the country, allowing a fairly free press, and encouraging participation through democratically elected local government. However, in recent years, donors have become more cautious in their evaluation of Uganda and less restrained commentators are beginning to expose actual and potential risks to development. Among the more frequently cited issues are the long-standing (North-South) regional inequalities; insecurity in Northern Uganda, the Southwest and the Great Lakes region; increasing tensions within the Movement and the political challenge to Museveni from within the heartland constituencies; the recent downturn in the economy and the evidence of growing inequalities; youth disaffection and the potential political risks; legacies of ethnic, religious and other social divisions, and the implications for political change; patronage, corruption and their costs to development; the character of the formal institutions and implications for stability. 1.5 SUMMARY This section reviewed important features in Uganda’s historical development. It depicts the regional, religious and ethnic divisions that preceded the colonial period and summarizes some of the ways in which the British administration capitalized on pre-existing tensions and provoked new divisions. British protectorate policies entailed both direct and indirect forms of rule. Direct rule excluded native institutions; indirect rule used and/or constructed native institutions to enforce local control. British economic policies resulted in growth and in development of the infrastructure but also stifled local industry; promoted unequal trade relations; and encouraged ethnic, race, regional and class divisions between the Baganda and the rest of the population; North and South; Europeans, Asians and Africans; a small wealthy landed and commercial elite and a majority poor. Despite these, Uganda, at Independence, had favourable prospects for development; analysts did not anticipate the drastic social and economic decline that occurred under Obote and Amin. Since 1986, the Movement has made substantial development gains. However, there are questions about the stability of these achievements, and concerns that development goals may be at risk.

Gender and Development

Explain the evolvement of the theories of Gender and Development from the 1970s to 2000.

'Gender' refers to the socially constructed roles of and relations between men and women, while 'Sex' refers to biological characteristics which define humans as female or male. These biological characteristics are not mutually exclusive however, as there are individuals who possess both whereas development according to Mubonjuje (1977 & 1980) is an intense concentration of activities requiring high degree of synchronization and sequential/ordering over the period of time during which social, economic fabric of the societies are transformed and the spatial structures recognised to effect the better change for majority of the people.
In this essay, I expect to see evidence that you understand how WID first entered into the discourse of development and how the explanations (theories) about women and their disadvantages worldwide and the solutions to these advantages have changed over time. Who are the people doing the explaining, which global trends have influenced the development thinking in general and GAD in particular?
During the past few years, the term "women in development" has become common currency both inside and outside academic settings. But while "women in development" or "WID", is understood to mean the integration of women into global processes of economic, political and social growth and change.

The student begins by examining the origins, meanings and assumptions embedded in "WID" and "GAD", how WID entered the conversation of development and then the extent to which differing views of the relationship between gender and development have influenced research, policymaking and international agency thinking since 1970s up to date. It is suggested that each term has been associated with a varying set of assumptions and has led to the formulation of different strategies for the participation of women in development strategies.
Firstly the term “women in development” was coined in the early 1970s by a Washington-based network of female development professionals (Tinker, 1990:30). On the basis of their own experiences in overseas missions they began to challenge trickle down theories of development, arguing that modernization was impacting differently on men and women. Instead of improving women’s rights and status, the development process appeared to be contributing to a wear and tear of their position

WID was influenced by the emerging body of research on women in developing countries; and in particular, the work of the Danish economist, Ester Boserup was most significant. From the perspective of the WID movement, the importance of Boserup’s ‘Women’s Role in Economic Development’ (1970) was that it challenged the assumptions of the welfare approach and highlighted women’s importance to the agricultural economy. Sub-Saharan Africa was characterized as the great global area of female farming systems in which women, using traditional hoe technology, assumed a substantial responsibility for food production. Moreover, Boserup posited a positive correlation/relationship between the role women played in agricultural production and their status vis-à-vis men.

The WID perspective was closely linked with the modernization paradigm which dominated mainstream thinking on international development during the 1960s and into the 1970s. In the 1950s and 160s, conventional wisdom decreed that "modernization," which was usually equated with industrialization, would improve the standards of living of the developing countries.

It was argued that through massive expansion of education systems, stocks of well-trained workers and managers would emerge; this in turn would enable the evolution of static, essentially agrarian societies into industrialized and modernized ones. With the growth of the economies of these countries, the benefits of modernization, i.e. better living conditions, wages, education, adequate health services, etc. would "trickle down" to all segments of the society.

Women rarely, if ever, were considered as a separate unit of analysis in the modernization literature of this period. It was assumed that the norm of the male experience was generalizable to females and that all would benefit equally as societies increasingly became modernized.

By the 1970s, this view of modernization was being questioned by many researchers. It was argued that the relative position of women had, in fact, improved very little over the past two decades. There was even evidence which suggested that the position of some women had declined (Boserup, 1970; Tinker and Bramson, 1976; Boulding, 1976; Kelly and Elliot, 1982). For example, in general, women were less likely to benefit from the course of educational expansion (Muchena 1982). Enrolment figures, especially at the tertiary level, tended to be lower for females.

In the formal industrial sector, women often were relegated to the lowest-paying, most monotonous and sometimes health-impairing jobs, a condition due in part to their low levels of education, but also due to the role assigned to them as supplementary rattier than principal wage earners (Lim 1981)
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Under the rubric of WID, the position of women in various sectors of the economy for the first time was studied separate from that of men. The recognition that women's experience of development and of societal change differed from that of men and it became justifiable for research to focus specifically on women's experiences and perceptions.

Nonetheless the WID approach was based on several assumptions which were at odds with critical trends in social sciences research in the 1970s.

First, statistics were beginning to show that women had fared less well from development efforts of the 1960s therefore a new strategy was called for. By the mid-170s, donor agencies were beginning to implement intervention programs to adjust the imbalance of development "pay-off." For the most part, the solutions adopted were within the realm of the "technological fix" with attention given to the transfer of technology, the provision of extension services and credit facilities or the development of so-called appropriate technologies which would lighten women's workloads (Stamp 1989 forthcoming).

Second, and related to the point above, the WID approach began from an acceptance of existing social structures. Rather than examine why women had fared less well from development strategies during the past decade, the WID approach focused only on how women could better be integrated into ongoing development initiatives.

This non-confrontational approach avoided questioning the sources and nature of women's subordination and oppression and focused instead on advocacy for more equal participation in education, employment and other spheres of society (Mbilinyi 1984a).

Moreover, because the WID approach was rooted in modernization theory, it did not recognize the contribution of more radical or critical perspectives such as dependency theory or marxist analyses.

The WID approach also tended to be ahistorical and overlooked the impact and influence of class, race and culture ( Mbilinyi 1984b; Nijeholt 1987).

It focused on women and gender as a unit of analysis without recognizing the important divisions that exist among women and the frequent exploitation that occurs in most societies of poor women by richer ones.


Third, the wiD approach tended to focus exclusively on the productive aspects of women's work, ignoring or minimizing the reproductive side of women's lives.

Thus, WID projects typically have been income-generating activities where women are taught a particular skill or craft and sometimes are organized into marketing cooperatives. Frequently a welfare outlook is added to projects and women are taught aspects of hygiene, literacy or child care at the same time (Huvinic 1986).

Project planners and implementers often are well-intentioned volunteers with little or no previous experience. It is rare for feasibility studies to be undertaken in advance to ensure that a viable for a skill or product that will be produced and it is equally rare for project planners to take serious note of the extent to which women already are overburdened with tasks and responsibilities.

The common assumption is that access to income will be a sufficiently powerful stimulant to encourage women somehow to juggle their time in such a way as to participate in yet another activity.

When women's income-generating projects do prove to be successful and become significant sources of revenue, they often are appropriated by men.

The WID/liberal feminist approach has offered little defense against this reality because it does not challenge the basic social relations of gender.

It is based on the assumption that gender relations will change of themselves aC women become full economic partners in development.

Conclusion
Development planners have tended to impose western biases and assumptions on the south and Africa in particular and the tasks performed by women in the household, including those of social reproduction, are assigned no economic value. The labour invested in family maintenance, including childbearing and rearing, housework, care of the ill and elderly, etc. has been considered to belong to the "private" domain and outside the purview of development projects aimed at enhancing income generating activities.

Gender and Development
The gender and development approach emerged in the 1980s as an alternative to the earlier WID focus. It finds its theoretical roots in socialist feminism and has bridged the gap left by the modernization theorists, linking the relations of production to the relations of reproduction and taking into account all aspects of women's lives (Jaquette 1982).
Socialist feminists have identified the social construction of production and reproduction as the basis of women's oppression and have focused attention on the social relations of gender, questioning the validity of roles which have been ascribed to both women and men in different societies.

Kate Young (1987) has identified some of the key aspects of the GAD approach. Perhaps most significantly, the GAD approach starts from a holistic perspective, looking at "the totality of social organization, economic and political life in order to understand the shaping of particular aspects of society" (Young 1987: 2).
GAD is not concerned with women per se but with the social construction of gender and the assignment of specific roles, responsibilities and expectations to women and to men.

In contrast to the emphasis on exclusively female solidarity which is highly prized by radical feminists, the GAD approach welcomes the potential contributions of men who share a concern for issues of equity and social justice (Ben and crown 1987).

The GAD approach dues not focus singularly on productive or reproductive aspects of women's (and men's) lives to the exclusion of the other.

It analyses the nature of women's contribution within the context of work done both inside and outside the household, including non-commodity production, and rejects the public/private dichotomy which commonly has been used as a mechanism to undervalue family and household maintenance work performed by women.

Both the socialist/feminist and GAD approaches give special attention to the oppression of women in the family and enter the so-called "private sphere" to analyse the assumptions upon which conjugal relationships are based.

GAD also puts greater emphasis on the participation of the state in promoting women's emancipation, seeing it as the duty of the state to provide some of the social services which women in many countries have provided on a private and individual ba5i5r
The OAL approach sees women as, agents of change rattier than as passive recipients of development and it stresses the heed for women to organize themselves for more effective political voice.

It recognizes the importance of both class solidarities and class distinctions but it argues that the ideology of patriarchy operates within and across classes to oppress women.

Consequently, socialist feminists and researchers working within the GAD perspective are exploring both the connections among and the contradictions of gender, class, race and development (Maguire 1984).

A key focus of research being done front a GAD perspective is on the strengthening of women's legal rights, including the reform of inheritance and land laws. Research also is examining the confusions created by the co-existance of customary and statutory legal systems in many countries and the tendency for these to have been manipulated by men to the disadvantage of women.

A GAD perspective leads not only to the design of intervention and affirmative action strategies which will ensure that women are better integrated into ongoing development efforts.

It leads, inevitably, to a fundamental reexamination of social structures and institutions and, ultimately, to the loss of power of entrenched elites, which inevitably will affect some women as well as men.

Not surprisingly, a fully articulated GAD perspective is less often found in the projects and activities of international development agencies although there are some examples of partial GAD approaches.

However, it should be emphasized that just as the WID/WAD/GAD approaches are not entirely conceptually distinct it often is not possible to place a development project squarely within a single theoretical framework.

It is clear that the general notion of focussing on women separate from men in at least some projects has been accepted by a considerable number of Third World governments, national and international development agencies, and in many non-governmental organizations.

However, to some extent this is a reflection of political expediency and should not be interpreted as a sign of fundamental commitment to the liberation of women.

As will be discussed below, while the rhetoric of "integrating women into development" has been accepted by many institutions, the actual process of ensuring equity for women even within those same institutions is still far from complete.

There is no question that the majority of the projects for women which have emerged during the past two decades find their roots in the WID perspective.

In a 1984 analysis of the publications of various international development agencies which were beginning to focus of women, Patricia Maguire (1984: 13).
noted that they tended to identify the following constraints as being detrimental to the status of women in Third world societies:
- traditions, attitudes and prejudices against women's participation;
- legal barriers;
- limited access to and use of formal education, resulting in high female illiteracy;
- time-consuming nature of women's "chores";
- lacy of access to land, credit, modern agricultural equipment, techniques and extension service;
- health burden of frequent pregnancies and malnourishment;

Development Assistance committee of the OECD has emphasized the necessity for member countries to establish formal WID strategies, to put aside special funds for women-related activities, to fund research on WID, and to advocate the employment of women in multilateral organizations and in development banks (Rathgeber 1988).

Bilateral agencies like the Swedish, SIDA, the Danish DANIDA, the British ODA and the Canadian all have adopted strategies to ensure that women in developing countries benefit directly from their programs and, to varying degrees, to try to ensure that female staff are represented in positions of power within their own organizations.

However, few strategies have been developed to question or attempt to influence in a profound fashion the social relations of gender in any given society.

There have been few in-depth analyses of the actual processes of integration of women and Wofien-related concerns into the programs of donor agencies.

However, a study of US AID's WID office by Kathleen Staudt revealed that these objectives had been pursued with varying degrees of interest and commitment.

Staudt's (1982) description of the establishment of the WID office in 1974 is instructive t She notes that while each AID policy paper must have a "women impact" statement, such statements are usually no more than a paragraph and are often recycled from one document to another.

In the early 1980s, the WID office staff consisted of only five professionals, all female, in an agency that had overwhelmingly male professional and female clerical staff. Sta udt notes that "Agency personnel frequently complain that WID

Is a 'womem.n1s lib' issue being used to expert American ideas, rather than an issue grounded in development and/or equity justification" (1982: 270).

The WID office had a weak power base because of its small staff allocation, a small budget which necessitated dependency on the budgets of other bureaus within the Agency, few allies in the technical areas and a limited mandate which enabled the office to raise concerns but not to veto projects.

Moreover, Staudt notes that despite efforts to increase the number of women benefitting from AID grants, in the early 1980s the number of AID-supported international trainees who were women was 13 percent, up 4 percent from 1974 but equal to what the number had been in the early 1960s.

Staudt demonstrates quite clearly that there may exist a considerable gap between the articulation of official policy on the part of agencies and the development of support within the agencies for the implementation of such policies.

Thus the existence of official WID policies cannot be judged as an accurate indicator of commitment to gender issues within an agency.

Agencies have taken different approaches with respect to the integration of gender issues into their programs (Rathgeber 1988).

Some, such as SIDA (the Swedish International Development Authority) began to finance projects aimed specifically at women as early as the 19605.

Others, such as the British ODA (overseas
Development Administration), steadfastly refused to give special support to projects for women until the second half of the 1980Ef claiming that to do so would be to impose the cultural biases of the North on the South.

Private foundations engaged in the support of research in developing countries, such as Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie all have chosen not to establish separate women's offices or programs, arguing that to do so would bt to p?t rpetu;-att tht notion that ttworften'811 issues are somehow separate from those of men.

Despite the fact that they have not established WID offices however, each of the three foundations has supported many women-related projects within the context of existing program structures.

Ford Foundation, moreover, has required all institutions requesting support to provide evidence that women participate in their projects.

The World Bank has had an Advisor on Women in Development since the early 1970s, but in the mid-80s this office was expanded and given a higher profile within the Bank. A major fucu8 of the expanded office during the lath 1980s haLm been on "Safe motherhood" under the argument that: "Improving maternal health helps involve women more effectively in development" (Herz and Measham 1987).

The World Health Organitation similarly has made this a major focus. It can be argued that such initiatives, while of obvious and crucial importance, are based within a traditional view of women's roles. In 1987, AID carried out an evaluation of its experience with Women in Development between 1973-1985 (AID 1987).

The Agency identified three different kinds of projects:
i) integrated projects which require gender-sensitive designs to meet their objectives;

ii) women-only projects which usually are small in scope and labour-intensive for AID staff; and

iii) women's components in larger projects. It was found that those projects which had included a careful analysis of the sexual division of labour and responsibilities and were designed in such a way to realistically reflect the contexts within which men and women worked, ultimately were more efficient In meeting developmental goals.

The evaluation also revealed that income-generating projects for women rarely were successful in improving the economic positions of participants. Moreover, job training projects for women also usually failed because women lacked capital to establish small businesses where they could utilize their new skills.

Perhaps most disturbingly, however, the evaluation revealed that even In the period 1980-84, by which time the WID office had been established for several years, 40 percent of the projects evaluated, made no mention at all of women.

In the earlier period, 1972-77, 64 percent of the project analysed had trade no mention of women. The universe of projects analysed was only 98, therefore the numbers are too small for definitive conclusions, however they do reveal a trend which is in keeping with the attitudes reported by 5taudt (1982).

Towards the More Effective implementation of GAD
As already noted, it is difficult to find examples of development projects which have been designed from a GAD perspective. one might speculate that such projects would be designed to empower women, to give them an equal voice by recognizing the full spectrum of their knowledge, experience and activities, including both productive and reproductive labour.

Projects designed from a GAD perspective would question traditional views of gender roles and responsibilities and point towards a more equitable definition of the very concept of "development" and of the contributions made by women and by men to the attainment of societal goals.

The Win Unit of the international Development Research Centre (IDRG) for example currently is supporting a number of research projects in Africa which are making a concerted attempt to view women as actors in development rather than as passive recipients of change. For example, projects in Kenya, Tanzania and Nigeria are looking at women's access to land within customary and statutory the extent to which Women’s productivity has been negatively affected by legal systems which favour male ownership and indeed sometimes even fail to recognize female ownership.

The researchers have discovered that as women are forced to spend longer periods of time searching for firewood, they have less time for agriculture. This in turn leads to lower crop yields with the outcome of less food for family consumption and less surplus for sale in local markets.

Second, women are beginning to cook less, serving their families cheap store-bought foods or serving food cooked several hours earlier and which may have already become tainted.

The gender activists have placed their primary emphasis on social equality and on the development of strategies and action programs aimed at minimizing the disadvantages of women in the productive sector and ending discrimination against them.

From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the Women and Development Discourse
This paper provides an introduction to the issue of women and development by tracing the main trends in the way women’s issues have been conceptualized in the development context. The first part of the paper explains the emergence of women in development (WID), highlighting a dominant strand of thinking within WID that seeks to make women’s issues relevant to development by showing the positive synergies between investing in women and reaping benefits in terms of economic growth. In the second part the author looks at the analytical and intellectual underpinnings of the shift from WID to GAD (gender and development) and highlights two main tensions that emerge from the different conceptualizations of gender.
© 1995 United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD
Welfare approach and anti-poverty approach
While the purpose of the welfare approach is to make women better mothers through relief (handouts), the purpose of the anti-poverty approach is to increase women’s productivity through income generating products.
The welfare approach recognizes the reproductive roles of women while the anti-poverty approach recognizes the productive roles.
The welfare approach problematises women while the anti-poverty approach problemitses underdevelopment.
Both aim at meeting the practical needs of women.

Equity and anti-poverty approach:
The purpose of the equity approach is to reduce the inequality between men and women while the anti-poverty approach seeks to reduce income inequalities.
The equity approach seeks the equal involvement of women in the development process while the anti-poverty seeks to increase the productivity of women
The equity approach links women poverty to women subordination while the anti-poverty approach links women poverty to income inequalities between men and women.
Equity approach recognizes the triple roles of women while the anti-poverty approach recognizes the productive roles

Welfare and empowerment approach
Both the welfare and empowerment approaches stress the importance of women organizations. The difference is that the welfare approach recognizes the reproductive roles of women and uses a top down approach to meet the practical gender needs through delivery of services. On the other hand, the empowerment approach recognizes the triple roles of women and uses a bottom up approach to bring awareness to women and challenge subordination.

Equity and empowerment







Welfare and equity approaches compared
While the welfare approach looks at women as passive recipients of development, the equity approach looks at them as active participants.
The purpose of the welfare approach was to bring women into development as better mothers through handouts of food, nutrition and family planning contraceptives while the purpose of the equity approach was to equally engage women in development through access to employment and the market.
The Welfare approach recognizes only women’s reproductive role while the equity approach recognizes the triple roles of women thus reproductive, productive and community roles.
While the welfare approach seeks to meet the practical gender needs, the equity approach seeks to meet the strategic gender needs but seeks to meet the practical needs only for livelihood.
The welfare approach seeks to meet the practical gender needs through the handouts by aid agencies; the equity approach seeks to meet strategic gender needs through direct state intervention.
While the welfare approach maintains or widens the gap between men and women, the equity approach seeks to lessen or bridge it.
The welfare approach promotes dependency syndrome while the equity approach promotes independence (self-reliance)
The welfare approach retains the subordinate position of women. On the other hand, the equity approach challenges it.
In the equity approach motherhood is the most important role for women. In the equity approach, women can equally actively participate in development process.


The similarity that exists between welfare and equity approaches is that their mode of implementation is top down.
Both are concerned with meeting the practical gender needs.


Equity and anti-poverty approach compared.
The equity approach encourages autonomy (independence of women) while the anti-poverty approach may not necessarily lead to women autonomy.

Most frequent asked Questions on Entreprenuership by my students in class.

a)Using relevant examples make an argument for people to become entrepreneurs in Uganda
Definition of entrepreneurs (5 marks)
The word entrepreneurship is a mixed blessing. On the positive side, it connotes a special, innate ability to sense and act on opportunity, combining out-of-the-box thinking with a unique brand of determination to create or bring about something new to the world.

Entrepreneur is associated with starting a business. However this is a very loose application of a term. The term “entrepreneur” originated in French economics as early as the 17th and 18th centuries. In French, it means someone who undertakes a significant project or activity. More specifically, it came to be used to identify the venturesome individuals who stimulated economic progress by finding new and better ways of doing things. The French economist most commonly credited with giving the term this particular meaning is Jean Baptiste Say. Say put it this way,
“The entrepreneur shifts economic resources out of an area of lower and into an area of higher productivity and greater yield.” Entrepreneurs create value.

In the 20th century, the economist most closely associated with the term was Joseph Schumpeter.
He described entrepreneurs as the innovators who drive the “creative-destructive” process of capitalism. In his words, “the function of entrepreneurs is to reform or revolutionize the pattern of production.”
Entrepreneurs can do this in many ways:
• “by exploiting an invention or, more generally, an untried technological possibility for producing a new commodity or producing an old one in a new way,
• by opening up a new source of supply of materials or a new outlet for products,
• by reorganizing an industry and so on.”
Schumpeter’s entrepreneurs are the change agents in the economy. By serving new markets or creating new ways of doing things, they move the economy forward. It is true that many of the entrepreneurs that Say and Schumpeter have in mind serve their function by starting new, profit-seeking business ventures, but starting a business is not the essence of entrepreneurship. Though other economists may have used the term with various nuances, the Say-Schumpeter tradition that identifies entrepreneurs as the catalysts and innovators behind economic progress has served as the foundation for the contemporary use of this concept.

Business expert Peter Drucker (1909-2005) took this idea further, describing the entrepreneur as someone who actually searches for change, responds to it, and exploits change as an opportunity. A quick look at changes in communications - from typewriters to personal computers to the Internet - illustrates these ideas.

Discussion of reasons for the importance of entrepreneurs in Uganda ( 20 marks)Individual benefits (5 marks)
What leads a person to strike out on his own and start a business? Perhaps a person has been laid off once or more. Sometimes a person;
• Is frustrated with his or her current job and doesn't see any better career prospects on the horizon.
• Realizes that his or her job is in jeopardy.
• A firm may be contemplating cutbacks that could end a job or limit career or salary prospects.
• Perhaps a person already has been passed over for promotion.
• Perhaps a person sees no opportunities in existing businesses for someone with his or her interests and skills.
• Some people are actually repulsed by the idea of working for someone else. They object to a system where reward is often based on seniority rather than accomplishment, or where they have to conform to a corporate culture.
• Other people decide to become entrepreneurs because they are disillusioned by the bureaucracy or politics involved in getting ahead in an established business or profession.
• Some are tired of trying to promote a product, service, or way of doing business that is outside the mainstream operations of a large company.
In contrast, some people are attracted to entrepreneurship by the advantages of starting a business. These include:
• Entrepreneurs are their own bosses. They make the decisions. They choose whom to do business with and what work they will do. They decide what hours to work, as well as what to pay and whether to take vacations.
• Entrepreneurship offers a greater possibility of achieving significant financial rewards than working for someone else.
• It provides the ability to be involved in the total operation of the business, from concept to design and creation, from sales to business operations and customer response.
• It offers the prestige of being the person in charge.
• It gives an individual the opportunity to build equity, which can be kept, sold, or passed on to the next generation.
• Entrepreneurship creates an opportunity for a person to make a contribution. Most new entrepreneurs help the local economy. A few - through their innovations - contribute to society as a whole. One example is entrepreneur Steve Jobs, who co-founded Apple in 1976, and ignited the subsequent revolution in desktop computers.

Community/societal benefits (15 marks)

The Impact of Entrepreneurs
The importance of entrepreneurship in general and social entrepreneurship in particular is often overlooked. Social entrepreneurship is important to economic development policies because it can play a vital role to the progress of societies and deliver vital value to societal and economic development.
• Employment Development- The first major economic value that social entrepreneurship creates is the most obvious one because it is shared with entrepreneurs and businesses alike: job and employment creation.
A second dimension of employment development is almost unique to social enterprises; social enterprises provide employment opportunities and job training to segments of society at an employment disadvantage, such as the long-term unemployed, the disabled, the homeless, at-risk youth and gender-discriminated women Some social enterprises act as an “intermediate between unemployment and the open labor market”. Re-integration of disadvantaged groups into the labor market is both socially and financially beneficial for the community at large. In the case of the Grameen Bank, the economic situation of six million disadvantaged women micro - entrepreneurs were improved

• Innovation / New Goods and Services-Social enterprises develop and apply innovation important to social and economic development and develop new goods and services. social-purpose enterprises … bring new responses to unmet social needs can be measured as the provision of new goods and services that are complementary to those delivered by the public and private sectors and accessible to a greater number of citizens” Issues addressed include some of the biggest societal problems such as HIV /Aids, mental ill-health, illiteracy, crime and drug abuses which, importantly, are confronted in innovative ways. Some of these new approaches in some cases are transferable to the public sector e.g. home -based care model for AIDS patients which later changed government health policy. These new kinds of organizations as “hotbeds of ideas and experiments, and they are able to get innovative policies adopted at the central, regional or local government levels”
• Social Capital-Next to economic capital one of the most important values created by social entrepreneurship is social capital. Although the term social capital again is not clearly defined, it is usually understood as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition" Social capital is the most important form of capital created by social entrepreneurs because economic partnerships require shared values, trust and a culture of cooperation which is all part of social capital. Examples include the success of the German and Japanese economies, which have their roots in long-term relationships and the ethics of cooperation, in both essential innovation and industrial development. The World Bank also sees social capital as critical for poverty alleviation and sustainable human and economic development. Existent bonding social capital within groups is reinforced by bridging/linking social capital catalysed by social entrepreneurs” The “virtuous circle of social capital”, starts with the initial endowment of social capital by the social entrepreneur. Building up a network of trust and cooperation and getting more partners involved enables access to physical (e.g. buildings), financial and human capital. Organizational capital is created, and, when the social enterprise is successful, more social capital such as in the form of a re - opened hospital is created:

• Equity Promotion-Another aspect is that social entrepreneurship fosters a more equitable society which is an objective for most economic development policies. Complementing the equity promoting activities of public agencies and NGOs, social enterprises address social issues and try to achieve ongoing sustainable impact through their social mission rather than purely profit-maximization The Grameen Bank and its support for disadvantaged women is an example of how social entrepreneurs support equity-promoting policies. Other examples include reintegrating disadvantaged groups into the labor market and providing affordable goods and services to the poor. Social entrepreneur have helped thousands of low-income high-school students to get into tertiary education.


Or
b) Using Dees (1998) arguments, discuss how social entrepreneurs can play the role of change agents in Uganda
Definition of social entrepreneurs (5 marks)
• Social entrepreneurship is seen as not-for-profit initiatives in search of alternative funding strategies or management schemes to create social value (Austin, Stevenson& Wei-Skiller, 2003; Boschee, 1998)
• Social entrepreneurship understood as the socially responsible practice of commercial business engaged in cross-sector partnerships (Sagawa & Segal, 2000; Waddock, 1998)
• Social entrepreneurship as a means to alleviate social problems and catalyze social transformation ( Alvord et al.., 2004; Ashoka Innovators, 2000)

• Alvord, Brown & Letts (2004) Social entrepreneurship creates innovative solutions to immediate social problems and mobilizes the ideas, capacities, resources and social arrangements required for sustainable social transformation.

• Saiid Business School (2005) Social entrepreneurship may be defined as a professional, innovative and sustainable approach to systemic change that resolves social market failures and grasps opportunities.

• IESE Business School (2005) Social entrepreneurship is a process involving the innovative use and combination of resources to pursue opportunities to catalyze social change and /or address social needs.

• Mort, Weerawardena, & Carnegie (2002) Social entrepreneurship is a multi-dimensional construct involving the expression of entrepreneurially virtuous behaviour to achieve the social mission , a coherent unity of purpose and action in the face of moral complexity , the ability to recognize social value –creating opportunities and key decision-making characteristics of innovativeness, proactiveness and risk-taking.

• Social entrepreneurship can be viewed as a process of creating value by combining resources in new ways (Stevenson, Roberts & Grousbeck, 1989; Schumpeter, 1934).

• Haugh & Tracey (2004) Social enterprises are businesses that trade for social purpose. They combine innovation, entrepreneurship and social purpose to seek to be financially sustainable by generating revenue from trading. Their social mission prioritizes social benefit above financial profit and if and when a surplus is made, this is used to further the social aims of the beneficiary group or community and not distributed to those with a controlling interest in the enterprise.

• Dees (1994) social enterprises are private organizations dedicated to solving social problems serving the disadvantaged, providing socially important goods that were not in their judgment adequately provided by public agencies or private markets. These organizations have pursued goals that could not be measured simply by profit generation, market penetration and or voter support.
• According to Dees (1998), Social entrepreneurs play the role of change agents in the social sector, by:
o Adopting a mission to create and sustain social value (not just social private value)
o Recognizing and relentlessly pursuing new opportunities to serve that mission,
o Engaging in a process of continuous innovation, adaptation and learning,
o Acting boldly without being limited by resources currently in hand and,
o Exhibiting heightened sense of accountability to the constituencies served and for the outcomes created

Explanation of Dees (1998) argument or proposition (5 marks)

Dees (1998) -social enterprises are private organizations dedicated to solving social problems serving the disadvantaged, providing socially important goods that were not in their judgment adequately provided by public agencies or private markets. These organizations have pursued goals that could not be measured simply by profit generation, market penetration and or voter support.
Change agents in the social sector: Social entrepreneurs are the reformers and revolutionaries described by Schumpeter, but with a social mission. They make fundamental changes in the way things are done in the social sector. Their visions are bold. They attack the underlying causes of problems, rather than simply treating symptoms. They often reduce needs rather than just meeting them. They seek to create systemic changes and sustainable improvements. Though they may act locally, their actions have the potential to stimulate global improvements in their chosen arenas, whether that is education, health care, economic development, the environment, the arts, or any other social sector field.

Discussion of how social entrepreneurs can act as change agents (15 marks)
According to Dees (1998), Social entrepreneurs play the role of change agents in the social sector, by:
• Adopting a mission to create and sustain social value (not just social private value) ( 4 marks)
• Recognizing and relentlessly pursuing new opportunities to serve that mission, (4 marks)
• Engaging in a process of continuous innovation, adaptation and learning, ( 4 marks)
• Acting boldly without being limited by resources currently in hand and, ( 4 marks)
Exhibiting heightened sense of accountability to the constituencies served and for the outcomes created
Social sector leaders will exemplify these characteristics in different ways and to different degrees.

• Adopting a mission to create and sustain social value:-This is the core of what distinguishes social entrepreneurs from business entrepreneurs even from socially responsible businesses. For a social entrepreneur, the social mission is fundamental. This is a mission of social improvement that cannot be reduced to creating private benefits (financial returns or consumption benefits) for individuals. Making a profit, creating wealth, or serving the desires of customers may be part of the model, but these are means to a social end, not the end in itself. Profit is not the gauge of value creation; nor is customer satisfaction; social impact is the gauge. Social entrepreneurs look for a long-term social return on investment. Social entrepreneurs want more than a quick hit; they want to create lasting improvements. They think about sustaining the impact.
• Recognizing and relentlessly pursuing new opportunities: Where others see problems, entrepreneurs see opportunity. Social entrepreneurs are not simply driven by the perception of a social need or by their compassion, rather they have a vision of how to achieve improvement and they are determined to make their vision work. They are persistent. The models they develop and the approaches they take can, and often does, change, as the entrepreneurs learn about what works and what does not work. The key element is persistence combined with a willingness to make adjustments as one goes. Rather than giving up when an obstacle is encountered, entrepreneurs ask, “How can we surmount this obstacle? How can we make this work?”
• Engaging in a process of continuous innovation, adaptation, and learning: Entrepreneurs are innovative. They break new ground, develop new models, and pioneer new approaches. However, as Schumpeter notes, innovation can take many forms. It does not require inventing something wholly new; it can simply involve applying an existing idea in a new way or to a new situation. Entrepreneurs need not be inventors. They simply need to be creative in applying what others have invented. Their innovations may appear in how they structure their core programs or in how they assemble the resources and fund their work. On the funding side, social entrepreneurs look for innovative ways to assure that their ventures will have access to resources as long as they are creating social value. This willingness to innovate is part of the modus operandi of entrepreneurs. It is not just a one-time burst of creativity. It is a continuous process of exploring, learning, and improving. Of course, with innovation comes uncertainty and risk of failure. Entrepreneurs tend to have a high tolerance for ambiguity and learn how to manage risks for themselves and others. They treat failure of a project as a learning experience, not a personal tragedy.
• Acting boldly without being limited by resources currently in hand: Social entrepreneurs do not let their own limited resources keep them from pursuing their visions. They are skilled at doing more with less and at attracting resources from others. They use scarce resources efficiently, and they leverage their limited resources by drawing in partners and collaborating with others. They explore all resource options, from pure philanthropy to the commercial methods of the business sector. They are not bound by sector norms or traditions. They develop resource strategies that are likely to support and reinforce their social missions. They take calculated risks and manage the downside, so as to reduce the harm that will result from failure. They understand the risk tolerances of their stakeholders and use this to spread the risk to those who are better prepared to accept it.
• Exhibiting a heightened sense of accountability to the constituencies served and for the outcomes created: Because market discipline does not automatically weed out inefficient or ineffective social ventures, social entrepreneurs take steps to assure they are creating value. This means that they seek a sound understanding of the constituencies they are serving. They make sure they have correctly assessed the needs and values of the people they intend to serve and the communities in which they operate. In some cases, this requires close connections with those communities. They understand the expectations and values of their “investors,” including anyone who invests money, time, and/or expertise to help them. They seek to provide real social improvements to their beneficiaries and their communities, as well as attractive (social and/or financial) return to their investors. Creating a fit between investor values and community needs is an important part of the challenge. When feasible, social entrepreneurs create market-like feedback mechanisms to reinforce this accountability. They assess their progress in terms of social, financial, and managerial outcomes, not simply in terms of their size, outputs, or processes. They use this information to make course corrections as needed.

2. Either
a) Using practical examples familiar to you outline and comment on the process of social entreprise venture formation in society.

Stage 1. The Formation of Social Sentiments
Sentiments-including perceptions, motives and emotions, thinking and learning and complex combination of opinions and feeling that’s lead to action and judgment, and focus the individual on the pursuit of relativity permanents ends. They accidentally develop from a strong relationship with someone or something and are biased by the individual’s prior experiences. Once developed, their strength is manifested in the strong devotion individual develop towards, for example other people or ideas. Sentiments control individual’s behavior, energize them towards what has become their attention (e.g. a particular social issue), and guide their long-term individual actions. In social entrepreneurship context, social sentiments seem to turn individuals into citizens who are dissatisfied with the status quo, loyal to their values and philosophy and motivated to act in socially responsible manner. Social sentiments are formed from the complex combination of a key relationship (her relationship with nature), and predisposition traits (her capacity to experience and instill empathy and her high degree of moral judgment). Predisposition traits are those that naturally motivate the individual to take into consideration other people's needs or interests. The formation of social feelings does not automatically imply the creation of social venture. Individuals with strong social feelings may act in various sectors and in a wide variety of professions (e.g. doctors) and vocations (e.g. religious or educational). However, social feelings seem to be an important element in the process of formation of intentions to create a social venture. The decision to create a social venture is influenced by the early formation of social feelings, which are originated by a key relationship with someone or something (external factor), and predisposition traits (internal factors).

Stage 2: The entrepreneurial process:
Will power- defined as energetic determination and, "the most powerful force of human behaviour, is closely related to propensity to act . Willpower can be identified in an individual when he/she goals. This is described it as “a deep personal attachment to an intention". It's power is such that it moves an individual to act, despite adversity, lack of motivation, low energy levels, or alternative opportunities. Furthermore, willpower to inspire the individual in the face of difficulties. Willpower can result from the complex combination of motivation (create social impact, reach more people, financial, and desire for social change) with action- related traits (her tendency to do things her way, adaptation skills, and long term focus). In addition it can be displayed in particular action –oriented traits that make one feel capable of accomplishing the undertaking. They possess skills already attributed to traditional entrepreneurs, which increase their level of willpower. While individuals acts with willpower will not necessarily create a social venture, willpower is an important variable in understanding the process by which the intention to create a social venture develops. A social entrepreneur's propensity to act is influenced by the display of willpower and it is determined by the combination of the type of motivations that social entrepreneurs experience and action-oriented traits that make them feel capable of pursuing their initiatives.
 Development of skills that may contribute to entrepreneurial behavior
 Awareness - building interest in the option of starting an SE/SF (AIDA - awareness, interest, desire, action)
 Examining opportunities to fulfil needs or wants and t solve problems
 Generate ideas to satisfy the opportunities

Stage 3: Use available resources and resources to evaluate opportunities and ideas
 Assess the opportunities and ideas
 Support: – defined as access to human and material resources – that social entrepreneur are able to gather affects their perception of feasibility only after they have evaluated the amount and type of support available for the venture. Support must occur at two distinct levels (individual and organizational) if it is to have a positive influence on the social entrepreneur's perceptions of the feasibility of the venture. The level of support that social entrepreneurs obtain from stakeholders will depend on the stock of resources available in their social network, and on their ability to enhance that stock by influencing stakeholders' judgment of the venture and thus also their willingness to invest. Access to human social and material resources is a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition to develop intentions to create a social venture. The perceived feasibility of a social venture is influenced by the amount and type of support the social entrepreneur is able to gather at the individual and organizational level.

Stage 4: Plan and prepare the venture thoroughly
Opportunity Construction: Opportunities can be searched for they can be discovered. Both types of opportunity recognition require prior experience or knowledge. One does not search for what one does not know, and one cannot discover what one mind cannot perceive. A third way to recognize opportunities-- construct them: "opportunities are thus very much in the eyes of the beholder. Once the individual perceive the opportunity, he/she will experience perceptions of desirability – among other factors – if the venture meets personal preferences ( e.g. high versus low tech ) In some cases the opportunity is constructed by combining prior experience and salient events. While important, opportunity construction is a necessary, but not sufficient condition for the intention to create a social venture. The perceived desirability of a social venture is influenced by the combination of a social opportunity. The construction of a social opportunity is determined by a combination of the social entrepreneur's prior experience and salient events that help him/her to recognize it.

Stage 5: Implementation



b) Discuss some of the impacts of social entrepreneurs in Ugandan society

The Impact of Social Entrepreneurs

The importance of entrepreneurship in general and social entrepreneurship in particular is often overlooked. Social entrepreneurship is important to economic development policies because it can play a vital role to the progress of societies and deliver vital value to societal and economic development.

Employment Development: The first major economic value that social entrepreneurship creates is shared with entrepreneurs and businesses alike: job and employment creation. A study from the John Hopkins University from 1998 shows that the number of people who are employed in social enterprises in a multi-country context, ranges from one to seven percent in the selected countries.

A second dimension of employment development is almost unique to social enterprises; social enterprises provide employment opportunities and job training to segments of society at an employment disadvantage, such as the long-term unemployed, the disabled, the homeless, at-risk youth and gender-discriminated women19. Some social enterprises act as an “intermediate between unemployment and the open labor market”. Re-integration of disadvantaged groups into the labor market is both socially and financially beneficial for the community at large. In the case of Prof. Yunus and the Grameen Bank, the economic situation of six million disadvantaged women micro - entrepreneurs were improved

Innovation / New Goods and Services: Social enterprises develop and apply innovation important to social and economic development and develop new goods and services. As the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) states, “social-purpose enterprises … bring new responses to unmet social needs can be measured as the provision of new goods and services that are complementary to those delivered by the public and private sectors and accessible to a greater number of citizens” Issues addressed include some of the biggest societal problems such as HIV /Aids, mental ill-health, illiteracy, crime and drug abusers which, importantly, are confronted in innovative ways. An example showing that these new approaches in some cases are transferable to the public sector is the Brazilian social entrepreneur Veronica Khosa, who developed a home -based care model for AIDS patients which later changed government health policy. The OECD sees these new kinds of organizations as “hotbeds of ideas and experiments, and they are able to get innovative policies adopted at the central,
regional or local government levels”.

A second dimension of employment development is almost unique to social enterprises; social enterprises provide employment opportunities and job training to segments of society at an employment disadvantage, such as the long-term unemployed, the disabled, the homeless, at-risk youth and gender-discriminated women. Some social enterprises act as an “intermediate between unemployment and the open labor market”. Re-integration of disadvantaged groups into the labor market is both socially and financially beneficial for the community at large. In the case of Prof. Yunus and the Grameen Bank, the economic situation of six million disadvantaged women microentrepreneurs were improved

Social Capital: The most important value created by social entrepreneurship is social capital. Although the term social capital again is not clearly defined, it is usually understood as “ the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition". To Leadbeater (1997), social capital is the most important form of capital created by social entrepreneurs because economic partnerships require shared values, trust and a culture of cooperation which is all part of social capital. As examples he mentions the success of the German and Japanese economies, which have their roots in long-term relationships and the ethics of cooperation, in both essential innovation and industrial development. The World Bank also sees social capital as critical for poverty alleviation and sustainable human and economic development. Hasan (2005) mentions the Grameen Bank again, along with several other Asian examples, and concludes with the statement that “existent bonding social capital within groups has been reinforced by bridging/linking social capital catalysed by social entrepreneurs”.

The “virtuous circle of social capital”, starts with the initial endowment of social capital by the social entrepreneur. Building up a network of trust and cooperation and getting more partners involved enables access to physical (e.g. buildings), financial and human capital. Organizational capital is created, and, when the social enterprise is successful, more social capital such as in the form of a re - opened hospital is created:


Equity Promotion: Another aspect is that social entrepreneurship fosters a more equitable society which is an objective for most economic development policies. Complementing the equity promoting activities of public agencies and NGOs, social enterprises address social issues and try to achieve ongoing sustainable impact through their social mission rather than purely profit-maximization. Again Yunus’s Grameen Bank and its support for disadvantaged women is an example of how social entrepreneurs support equity-promoting policies. Other examples include reintegrating disadvantaged groups into the labor market and providing affordable goods and services to the poor. For instance, the American social entrepreneur J.B. Schramm has helped thousands of low-income high-school students to get into tertiary education.

Writing an essay in 12 steps

Writing an essay in 12 steps
Published on Academic Skills and Learning Centre (https://academicskills.anu.edu.au)
Writing an essay in 12 steps
By Kudasai
Created 04/01/2009 - 11:47
Writing an essay in 12 steps
Writing an essay is a messy, complex, often frustrating process that, nevertheless, can be ordered and managed in
several stages. Remember that it is usually a circular rather than a linear process, that your argument will help
develop your writing—and that the process of writing will develop your argument and your use of evidence.
1. Analyse and define the topic or question
While an essay question will always have a topic, your first hurdle is to identify and then explore the underlying
question/debate/problem within that topic that is central to your course. For example, a Political Science question
such as: “What were the causes of the Second World War?” is not asking for a list of causes that you then
describe. It is asking: in what way or to what extent did various factors contribute and how were they interrelated?
Understanding how the task is situated within your discipline/ field/ courses is crucial to developing a
comprehensive answer.
2. Identify some key ideas
Remember that any essay question does not stand alone: its purpose is to assess how well you understand some
key concepts, theories or conflicts in your current course. Consider these concepts, theories or conflicts while you
are preparing your essay. Look at course outlines, lecture notes, seminar readings to identify key themes of the
course.
Use brainstorming or mind-mapping techniques to identify key ideas.
3. The first literature search
Initially it is often difficult to find readings: search library catalogues, abstracts and databases for material (do a
course in the library to learn how). However, when you find sources the amount of reading is often overwhelming.
Ask yourself: what is relevant?; what is more central and what is less important?
Think strategically: who are the key writers in the field?; how can you identify these? Do the course readings
contain useful articles? Start with the key writers in the field that your lecturer recommends, and then progress to
articles, books and journals as you narrow your search for more specific or specialised material.
4. Read
Initially, one of the greatest challenges at university and in essay writing is learning how to read academically.
When you read, read for a specific purpose: what is the writer’s argument (in the research phase)?; how does this
writer refute the position of another writer (later in the research phase)?; are the elements of grammar correct in my
essay (in the later stages of editing)?
Consciously select and apply a reading strategy (see later in the handbook). Read to obtain an overview of what
people are writing on the topic: where are the debates within this topic? What are the key issues of these debates?
Are there any key theorists writing on the topic? What evidence is being used to justify each position or
interpretation of the topic?
Consciously select and apply a note taking strategy (see later in the handbook).
5. Work towards constructing an argument
Try to express your argument or position in one clear sentence. For example “This paper argues...”
Select, from your readings, evidence and ideas that might support your argument.
Next, consider what things you need to do to persuade the reader of your position. Will you need to define key
terms, compare and contrast, critically evaluate the literature, provide background context, analyse a case study,
and so on? Once you have thought of the things you will do, this is called the structure of your argument and it
provides a potential outline of the main sections of the essay.
6. Construct your argument around an outline
The first division of your topic into parts represents your view of what is important in these debates: this is your
Page 1 of 3

Critically examine the meaning of the term 'development'."We should stop talking about poverty eradication because the poor are trapped in their pover

1. Critically examine the meaning of the term 'development'.

2. "We should stop talking about poverty eradication because the poor are trapped in their poverty and cannot get out of it". Discuss this statement using examples from development practice and relevant literature.
Qn.1
Development has many meanings. The meaning a particular person attaches to the term depends on her subjective view of the world. Indeed, the meaning of development is not only a product of the individual's perspective but also of the particular period in time when the word is being uttered. Thus, in order to understand the various theories of development, one must place them in a historical context. (Conteras, R 2003:1)
Sapru.R.K (2002:3) noted that the concept of development is neither new nor old. Development is a continuously and dynamic concept. Since the beginning of civilization it has been taking different shapes and dimensions. The nature of development as seen in the early 1990s differs considerably from that seen in the early 1950s or from that in the 19th century. Development never will be and never can be defined to universal satisfaction states the Brandt commission. Uphoff and Iichman (1972:IX) as noted in Sapru.R.K (2002:3) pointed out that development is probably the most depreciated terms in social science literature having been used more than it has been understood.
Further more, Marcus Power (2003:1) argued that
……..the term actually has no clear and unequivocal meaning and is in a sense truly the stuff of myth, mystique and mirage. Little consensus exits around the meaning of this heavily contested term yet most if not all leaders of the world’s many nation-states and international organizations claim to be pursuing this objective in some way.
How ever, according to VSO (2005:5) there are three factors that influence the understanding of the concept of development. These include:
 Perceptions. Perceptions of development are wide and varied. They are informed by the variety of backgrounds people come from. They are also part of cultural socializations. This means that people from different cultures or social backgrounds and professions perceive development and development issues differently
 Values and beliefs. Development is significantly influenced by people’s values and beliefs. Values and beliefs are based on people’s culture, social orientation, spirituality and religious convictions. What people think is or is not important is affected by beliefs and social conditioning. This strongly influences people’s understanding and response to development needs
 Cultural values. Culture can be defined as a set of values and beliefs shared by a group or community in one common local area or at a regional level. Cultural backgrounds give people their identity. Although many cultures exit, they also share many similarities. For example the exclusion of youth from leadership or the exclusion of women from decision-making and relationships in gender and gender roles.
Development is rather amorphous and there is a multiplicity of views as what constitutes development. In this discussion a number of views suggesting what development is, are critically examined to help us have a deeper understanding of the concept of development. These include the following:
Earlier definitions of development focused on economic growth and the reproduction of economic, social and political systems that existed in the western industrial nations. This definition was abandoned when it became apparent that the developing countries were not modernizing as anticipated. Todaro (1982:68) noted that, “when a large number of third world nations did achieve the overall UN growth targets but the levels of living of the masses of people remained for the most parts unchanged, signaled that something was very wrong with this narrow definition of development”. Development was then redefined to imply progress towards a range of welfare goals. It was defined in terms of being able to guarantee the provision of basic needs, create full employment and reduce inequality. Development has continued to change meaning depending on who is talking and thinking about it.
According to Kaplan A. (2000) as noted in Wallace T & Lewis D. (Eds.) Development is an innate (natural, inherent, inborn, intrinsic) process found in all living things. Being a natural process development cannot be created or engineered. It exists independently of the development practitioner. All that we can do is facilitate processes that are already in motion. Where they are not in motion, it would be best- and honest- to refrain.
Development is not something that is brought. Being driven from within, it is not the prerogative of an outsider. Respect for the integrity of others’ processes must be paramount, not simply from a moral point of view but because of the reality of the development process. Development practitioners can only assist the flow of the process.
Development does have a pace of its own, although interventions can affect its pace- either hinder or facilitate it. Development is non-linear, unpredictable and even archaic in nature. It involves a constant interplay between order and chaos, between form and flow.

Development interventions are about the development of people and development cannot be opposed. They are driven form within that the one off pre-designed packages (expert products or packages of resources) applied at particular times are unbefitting. Development interventions are about processes that are created and applied in response to particular situations to help people gain an understanding of them selves so that in time they are better able to control their own future and arrive at effective solutions to problems including political and economic marginalization.
Development or maturation implies an unfolding in time and this unfolding always takes place in what may be termed as formal direction. This reveals another distinguishing characteristic of Development: it is irreversible. The irreversibility of almost all natural phenomena is a basic fact of experience. We know that we cannot grow any younger. (Kaplan. A, 1996:3)
It should be noted that because situations change continuously in response to development intervention, flexibility is required. This places a big responsibility on the practitioner and organization and demands new capacities with respect to reflecting, clearing and managing.
According to Korten, the development process entails three phases that are not necessarily superior to one another these include:
Dependence is characterized by great learning and skills acquisition in which other players play a major role in providing the environment and resources required for growth.
Independence entails a fundamental change in relationships and a period of testing and personalizing capabilities and competencies using them to act and affect the environment in ways that help establish the actor as unique and self reliant.
Interdependence At this phase the actor appreciates the fact that one’s potential is achieved only through effective collaboration with others.

The experience of each phase provides learning and capabilities that are vital to the ability to engage in the next phase. It should be noted that these phases are continually recurring and overlapping in the course of the life of the individual, organization or community.
Development is nonlinear, unpredictable, and even anarchic; at the same time, there appear to be natural phases, sequences, and modalities that can be said to characterize the process as a particular pattern or arrangement

The supposition of this definition is that development cannot be engineered nor can it be created, as a process it exists independently of the development practitioner. The responsibility of the development practitioner, in this view of development is to facilitate what is already in existence. In this respect development cannot be brought to a community, however being a conception driven from with in, it is not the choice of an outsider. It is assumed that the world is changeable and that people, the engineers have the ability to affect the necessary changes. Development is closely linked to the ability to control transformation of the social structure and it assumes that it is possible to move from a situation of restriction or dependency to one of self-sufficiency.

UNDP 2000 like Kaplan looks at development as a process. However, for UNDP, development is looked at in terms of Human Development. It defines Human Development as a process of enlarging people’s choices, by expanding human functionings and capabilities (UNDP, 2000: 17). Functionings of a person mean the valuable things that the person can do or be, such as well being nourished, living long and taking part in the life of a community. Capability refers to the different combinations of functionings. Capabilities reflect the freedom to achieve functionings. Capabilities can vary in form and content, though they are also often closely interrelated. They include the basic freedoms of being able to meet bodily requirements, such as the ability to avoid starvation and undernourishment, or to escape preventable morbidity or premature mortality. They also include the enabling opportunities given by schooling, like liberty and the economic means to move freely and to choose one’s abode.

There are also important “social” freedoms, such as the capability to participate in the life of the community, to join in public discussion, to participate in political decision-making and even the elementary ability “to appear in public without shame”. Human development is concerned, ultimately, with all the capabilities that people have reason to value. The human development index (HDI) incorporates the most elementary capabilities, such as living a long and healthy life, being knowledgeable and enjoying a decent standard of living. Indeed, longevity is itself an important means to other capabilities, since one does not have the freedom to do much unless one is alive.

Human development also reflects the freedom to achieve. In this sense Human Development is freedom, which can relate to human rights.
Human rights and human development are interlinked and are purposed to secure the freedom, well-being and dignity of all people. “If human development focuses on the enhancement of the capabilities and freedoms that the members of a community enjoy, human rights represent the claims that individuals have on the conduct of individual and collective agents and on the design of social arrangements to facilitate or secure these capabilities and freedoms”. (UNDP, 2000: 20)

Human development brings a dynamic long-term perspective to the fulfillment of Human rights by directing attention to the socio-economic context in which rights can be realized or threatened. It also contributes to building a long run strategy for the realization of human rights.

Therefore, it can be argued out that human development is about securing freedom like: Freedom from discrimination by gender, race, ethnicity, national origin or religion, freedom to enjoy a decent standard of living, freedom to develop and realize one’s human potential, freedom from fear that is, of threats to personal security, from torture, arbitrary arrest and other violent acts, freedom from injustice and violations of the rule of law, freedom of thought and speech and to participate in decision-making and form associations, and freedom for decent work

It should be noted that human rights are a very important aspect in development, because they add value to the agenda of development through bring legal tools and laws, which helps to secure freedoms and human development. They also help to shift priority to the most disadvantaged and excluded, especially to deprivations because of discrimination, direct attention to the need for information and political voice for all people as a development issue

Human development focuses directly on the progress of human lives and well being. Since well being includes living with substantial freedoms, human development is also integrally connected with enhancing certain capabilities that is to say the range of things a person can do and be in leading a life. We value the freedom of being able to live, as we would like and even the opportunity to choose our own fate.
In short, human development is essential for realizing human rights, and human rights are essential for full human development.
In this view, development is seen in a broader sense than the rise or fall of national incomes. It is about creating an environment in which people can develop to their full potential, lead productive, and creative lives in accord with their needs and interests.

Todaro. M (1981:70) argues that though economic progress is an essential component of development it is not the only component because development is not purely an economic phenomenon. In an ultimate sense, it must encompass more than the material and financial side of people’s lives.
He therefore defined Development as a multidimensional process involving major changes in social structures, popular attitudes and national institutions, as well as the acceleration of economic growth, the reduction of inequality and the eradication of absolute poverty. Development in its essence must represent the entire gamut of change by which an entire social system tuned to the diverse basic needs and desires of individuals and social groups with in that system, moves a way from a condition of life widely perceived as unsatisfactory and toward a situation or condition of life regarded as materially and spiritually ‘better’ (Todaro. P, 1981:70)
There are three core values that relate to fundamental human needs that find their expression in almost all societies and cultures at all times. These can help to serve as a conceptual basis and practical guideline for understanding the inner meaning of development. These include:
Life sustenance: the ability to provide basic needs

All people have certain basics without which life would be impossible. These ‘life-sustaining’ needs include indisputably, food, shelter, health and protection. When any of these is absent or in critically short supply, we may state without reservation that a condition of absolute underdevelopment exists. A basic function of all economic activity therefore is to provide as many people as possible with means of overcoming the helplessness and misery arising from a lack of food, shelter, health and protection.

Self-esteem: To be a person. This is the sense of worth and self-respect, of not being used as a tool by others for their own ends. All people and societies seek some basic form of self-esteem although they may call it authenticity, identity, dignity, respect, honour, or recognition. National prosperity has become an almost universal measure of wealth. Because of the importance attached to material values in developed nations, worthiness and esteem are nowadays increasingly conferred only on those countries that possess economic wealth and technological power.

Freedom from servitude: to be able to choose. Freedom here is not to be understood in the political or ideological sense, but in more fundamental sense of freedom or emancipation from alienating material conditions of life, and freedom from social servitudes of men and women to nature, ignorance, other men and women misery, institutions of life, and dogmatic beliefs. It involves the expanded range of choices for societies and their members together with their minimization of external constraints in the pursuit of some social goal we call development.
Development is both a physical reality and state of mind in which society has through some combination of social, economic and institutional processes, secured the means for obtaining a better life.

According to Todaro, development should pursue the following objectives
• To increase the availability and widen the distribution of basic life-sustaining goods such as food, shelter, health and protection
• To raise level of living including, in addition to higher income, the provision of more jobs, better education and greater attention to cultural and humanistic values, all of which will serve not only to enhance material well being but also to generate greater individual and national self-esteem.
• To expand the range of economic and social choice to individuals and nations by freeing them from servitude and dependence, not only in relation to other people and nation-states but also to the forces of ignorance and human misery

Todaro’s view suggests that the concept of development should not be looked at in only one dimension that is to say economic aspects, but it should be viewed in terms of multidimensional nature, in which all dimensions of development like political, social and economic aspects are considered for change. This should be done in order to achieve the core values of development-self esteem, life substance and freedom, all these cannot be achieved only through economic considerations. This means that a myopic view of development will lead to omission of pertinent issues that are of paramount importance to the whole process of development.

Though Chambers. R. (1997:10) agrees with other authors that development is a process; he argues that the objective of development is responsible well-being for all. Well-being can be described as the experience of good quality of life. Well-being refers to range of human experience, social, mental and spiritual as well as material well-being. It has many elements, and each individual may define it for herself or himself. Perhaps most people would agree to include living standards, access to basic services, security and freedom from fear, health, and good relations with others, friendship, love, peace of mind, choice, creativity, fulfillment and fun. Chambers put forward the web of responsible well- being to explain how well-being as an overarching goal of development can be arrived at. This is illustrated below:
Web of Responsible Well-being











Source: (Chambers. R 1997:10)

As seen from the web above, the overarching end is well-being, with capabilities and livelihood as means, equity and sustainability are principles which qualify livelihood to become livelihood security, and well-being to become responsible well-being.

Livelihood security is basic to well-being. Livelihood can be defined as adequate stocks and flows of food and cash to meet basic needs and to support well-being. Security refers to secure rights and reliable access to resources, food and income, and basic services. It includes tangible and intangible assets to offset risk, ease shocks and meet contingences. Sustainable livelihoods maintain or enhance resource productivity on a long-term basis and equitable livelihoods maintain or enhance the livelihoods and well-being of others.

Capabilities are means to livelihood and well-being. Capabilities refer to what people are capable of doing and being. They are means to Equity. The poor, weak vulnerable and exploited should come first. Equity includes human rights, intergenerational and gender equity, and the reversals of putting the last first and the first last, to be considered in all contexts. The reversals are not absolute, but a means of leveling.

Sustainability: To be good, conditions and change must be sustainable – economically, socially, institutionally, and environmentally. Sustainability means that long-term perspectives should apply to all policies and actions, with sustainable well-being and sustainable livelihoods as objectives for present and future generations.

There is a relationship between the five concepts mentioned above, though they are of different sorts. Equity and sustainability are principles. They also combine in intergenerational equity, the principle of assuring the rights and opportunities of future generations. For their part, capabilities and livelihood security are intermediate ends as means to well-being. The overarching end is well-being, qualified by equity and sustainability to be responsible. This means that well-being is not at the cost of equity and sustainability, but is enhanced when it contributes to them. Responsible well-being recognizes obligations to others, both those alive and future generations, and to their quality of life. In general, the word ‘responsible’ has moral force in proportion to wealth and power: the wealthier and more powerful people are, the greater the actual or potential impact of their actions or inactions, and so the greater the need and scope for their well-being to be responsible. The objective of development around which consensus might coalesce is then responsible well-being by and for all.

This view of development is interesting because it insists on basic needs of people being met, emphasizes the importance of building capabilities of individuals, and the importance of equity and sustainability. Development should therefore have a “human face” that is it should be intended for the well being of people both in the current and future generations. Development that falls short of these two principles (equity and sustainability) may be regarded as not being meaningful.

According to Korten. D, (1990:67) development is a process by which the members of a society increase their personal and institutional capacities to mobilize and manage resources to produce sustainable and justly distributed improvements in their quality of life consistent with their own aspirations. The above definition emphasizes the process of development and its essential focus on personal and institutional capacity

Korten’s view of development (People-centered development) is grounded in a worldview that perceives earth to be a life-sustaining spaceship with a finite store of physical resources. Its only external and virtually inexhaustible resource is sunlight. Thus the quality of life of its inhabitants depends on maintaining a proper balance between its solar energized regenerative systems, its resource stocks and the demands that its inhabitants place on these systems and resources.
Development is a continuous process therefore essential focus has to be put on personal and institutional capacity, and according to him (Korten) it should be guided by three principles of justice, sustainability and inclusiveness.

This view of development acknowledges that only the people themselves can define what they consider to be improvements in the quality of their lives. The achievement of this is suggested to be through the following Value orientations:
• The first priority in the use of earth’s resources should be to allow all people an opportunity to produce a basic livelihood for themselves and their families.
• Current generations have no right to engage in levels of nonessential consumption that deprive future generations of the possibility of sustaining decent human living standards.
• Every individual has the right to be a productive contributing member of family, community and society.
• Control of productive assets should be broadly distributed within society.
• Sovereignty resides in the people. The authority of the state is granted by the people and therefore may be withdrawn by them.
• Local economies should be diversified and reasonably self-reliant in producing for basic needs.
• People have a right to a voice in making the decisions that influence their lives and decision making should be as close to the level of individual, family and community as possible.
• Local decisions should reflect a global perspective and an acceptance of the rights and responsibilities of global citizenship.
Korten’s people-centered development favors human well-being and environment sustainability over additions to economic output, domestic over foreign markets, local financing and ownership over foreign borrowing and investment, and economic self-reliance over dependence on the international trading system. It welcomes participation in the global community, but from a position of independent strength-not external dependence.
Korten like other authors emphasize development being a process and not an end in its self, he also looks at important issues like just society and sustainable environment. How ever, this view is too optimistic in expecting that a quality of life that is quality for all will emerge if its definition is left solely to local aspirations.
Sen. A (1999:3) views development as a process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy. This view contrasts with narrower views of development, such as identifying development with the growth of gross national product, or with the rise in personal incomes, or with industrialization, or with technological advance, or with social modernization. Growth of GNP or of individual incomes can, of course, be very important as means to expanding the freedoms enjoyed by the members of the society. But freedoms depend also on other determinants, such as social and economic arrangements (for example, facilities for education and health care) as well as political and civil rights (for example, the liberty to participate in public discussion and scrutiny). (Sen, 1999:3)
Similarly, industrialization or technological progress or social modernization can substantially contribute to expanding human freedom, but freedom depends on other influences as well. If freedom is what development advances, then there is a major argument for concentrating on that overarching objective, rather than on some particular means or some specially chosen list of instruments. Viewing development in terms of expanding substantive freedoms directs attention to the ends that make development important, rather than merely to some of the means that, play a prominent part in the process.
Sen (1999) argues that development requires the removal of major sources of unfreedom: poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic opportunities as well as systematic social deprivation, neglect of public facilities as well as intolerance or overactivity of repressive states. Despite unprecedented increases in overall opulence, the contemporary world denies elementary freedoms to vast numbers- perhaps even the majority of people sometime the lack of substantive freedoms relates directly to economic poverty, which robs people of the freedom to satisfy hunger or to achieve sufficient nutrition or to obtain remedies for treatable illness, or the opportunity to be adequately clothed or sheltered.
In other cases the un freedom links closely to the lack of public facilities and social care, such as the absence of epidemiological programs, or of organized arrangement for health care or educational facilities, or of effective institution for the maintenance of local peace and order, in still other cases the violation of freedom results directly from a denial of political and civil liberties by authoritarian regimes and from imposed restrictions on the freedom to participate in social, political and economic life of the community

He argues that Freedom is critical to the process of development for two distinct reasons
 The evaluative reason: assessment of progress has to be done primarily in terms of whether the freedoms that people have are enhanced. The success of a society is to be evaluated primarily by the substantive freedoms that the members of that society enjoy. Having greater freedom to do the things one has reason to value is significant in itself for the person’s overall freedom, and important in fostering the person’s opportunity to have valuable outcomes. These are important to the evaluation of freedom of the members of the society and thus crucial to assessment of the society’s development. Here justice is seen in terms of individual freedoms.
 The effectiveness reason: achievement of development is thoroughly dependant on the free agency of people and individual initiative. Greater freedom enhances the ability of people to help them selves and also to influence the world

Sen (1999) further pointed out five distinct types of freedom. These include (1) political freedoms, (2) economic facilities, (3) social opportunities, (4) transparency guarantees and (5) protective security. Each of these distinct types of rights and opportunities helps to advance the general capability of a person. They may also serve to complement each other. Public policy to foster human capabilities and substantive freedoms in general can work through the promotion of these distinct but interrelated instrumental freedoms. In the chapters that follow, each of these different types of freedom - and the institutions involved - will be explored, and their interconnections discussed. There will be an opportunity also to investigate their respective roles in the promotion of overall freedoms of people to lead the kind of lives they have reason to value. In the view of “development as freedom,” the instrumental freedoms link with each other and with the ends of enhancement of human freedom in general. While development analysis must, on the one hand, be concerned with objectives and aims that make these instrumental freedoms consequentially important, it must also take note of the empirical linkages that tie the distinct types of freedom together, strengthening their joint importance. Indeed, these connections are central to a fuller understanding of the instrumental role of freedom. (Sen: 10)
In other words, the requirements for development can be described as an individual’s ability to participate freely in the political process, the mechanisms and capacity to seek economic well-being, the networks and connections which make social integration possible, free access to reliable information sources, and structures which allow personal safety. Sen puts it well:
…enhancement of human freedom is both the main object and the primary means of development. The objective of development relates to the valuation of the actual freedoms enjoyed by the people involved. Individual capabilities crucially depend on, among other things, economic, social, and political arrangements. In making appropriate institutional arrangements, the instrumental roles of distinct types of freedom have to be considered, going well beyond the foundational importance of the overall freedom of individuals.
The instrumental roles of freedom include several distinct but interrelated components, such as economic facilities, political freedoms, social opportunities, transparency guarantees and protective security. These instrumental rights, opportunities and entitlements have strong interlinkages, which can go in different directions. The process of development is crucially influenced by these interconnections. Corresponding to multiple interconnected freedoms, there is a need to develop and support a plurality of institutions, including democratic systems, legal mechanisms, market structures, educational and health provisions, media and other communication facilities and so on. The institutions can incorporate private initiatives as well as public arrangements and also more mixed structures, such as nongovernmental organizations and cooperative entities.
The ends and means of development call for placing the perspective of freedom at the center of the stage. The people have to be seen, in this perspective, as being actively involved - given the opportunity - in shaping their own destiny, and not just as passive recipients of the fruits of cunning development programs. The state and the society have extensive roles in strengthening and safeguarding human capabilities. This is a supporting role, rather than one of ready-made delivery. The freedom -centered perspective on the ends and the means of development has some claim to our attention (Sen: 53).
This view emphasizes that development should be measured by how much freedom a country has, since without freedom people cannot make the choices that allow them to help themselves and others. This view highlights the limitations in looking at development as economic growth, because there can be growth but when freedom is lacking. So the great concern for this view is the need for the removal of unfreedom situations if meaningful development is to be achieved.




According to Friedman (1992:33), Development is a process that seeks the empowerment of the households and their individual members through their involvement in socially and politically relevant actions. Empowerment includes an emphasis on local decision-making, local self-reliance, participatory democracy and social learning. It pursues the transcendent goals of inclusive democracy, appropriate economic growth, gender equality and sustainability (Friedman, 1992:164)
Friedman’s understanding of development follows closely from his definition of poverty as limited access to social power. Using a household as a unit of analysis where he describes it as being embedded with in four domains of social practice that is the state, political community, civil society and corporate economy. This is shown in the figure below:

Life Space for Household and Four Arenas of Social Power

Life Space
(Territory)



























Global Economic Space
Transnational Corporation (TNCs)
Source: (Friedman, 1992:27)
As shown above, each domain has distinctive types of power state power, political power, social power and economic power.
Each domain also has its own set of institutions. The core of political community consists of independent political organizations. In the over lap between the state and the political community domains, Friedman places the legislative and regulatory bodies. The core of civil society is the household where the domains of civil society and the state overlap; we find churches, and voluntary organizations. The central institution of the corporate economy is the corporation. This domain is also open and profoundly interconnected with the global economy and transnational corporation where the corporate economy overlaps with the political community; we find political parties, protest movements, and environmental groups. Where the corporate economy overlaps with civil society we find the non-formal economic sector and popular economic groups. These interacting domains are the system with in which the household struggles to find space, location, and influence.

He then described eight bases of social power that are available to the poor as avenues for creating space and influence. These include social net works, information for self development, surplus time, instruments of work and livelihood, social organization, knowledge and skills, defensible space and financial resources as illustrated below:
Eight Bases of Social Power and the Poor

Information for
Financial resources Social networks self-development






Surplus time
Defensible life space






Instruments of

Knowledge and skills work& livelihood
Social organizations

Source: Friedman, 1992:67

Friedman argues that there is much need for working with the household so that it is empowered to increase the cover of its social power by building, empowering and nurturing social networks and social organizations along the eight lines of social power.

Transformation as Expanding the Social and Political Power of Households


Life Space
(Territory)

Inclusive and Just Legal
System Participating in the
Political Process








Participating in the
Economic System
Economic System
Responsible to Human
and Environmental Costs








Global Economic Space

Source: (Friedman, 1992:27)

As seen in the figure above, Friedman believes that in the last part of the twentieth century, the domain of the state is shrinking because of the dominance of neo-liberalism, while the domain of the domain of the economy is expanding as it is linked and incorporated into the global economy. However, he noted that this leaves out two major transformational frontiers (Civil Society and Political Community frontiers) which are critical to empowering the household. Therefore he suggested that the alternative development (Development as enhancement of social and political powers), works to expand these two domains, thus creating more life space for the poor

Like Korten’s view of development (People centered development), this view emphasizes participation of individual members in all action that are aimed at developing them. It is through this that they could be empowered to be able to determine their own destiny. This also suggests that the people should be given the opportunity to practice their social power and create more space and influence for themselves, through financial resources, information for self development, social organizations, knowledge and skills to mention but a few. The development process should involve enabling of the poor to be empowered to increase the cover of social power. However, in this liberalized and globalized world the arenas in which the poor could express their social power and influence have not expanded. Therefore there is view solves to enable the expansion of these domains (political economy and civil society) to give room for people to expand their social power. This is a very important point in this view of development, because people can not politically, spiritually and economically develop when there is no social development. All these aspects affect each other to enhance development

In conclusion, in the above examination of development, it is evident that development has changed meaning over time and it changes according to the situation and context in which it is being defined. The meaning attached to development depends on who is thinking and talking about it. This shows that development has no fixed definition but suggestions are put forward on what it means depending on prevailing situation. It is therefore an open concept and not fixed where new views about it can be considered at any given time. However, though different authors view development differently there are some commonalities in these views. For example, most if not all scholars agree that development is a change process and that it aims at improving the wellbeing of the people, in all walks of life be it social, political, spiritual and economic wellbeing.

Qn: "We should stop talking about poverty eradication because the poor are trapped in their poverty and cannot get out of it". Discuss this statement using examples from development practice and relevant literature.

World Development Report 1990 defines poverty as the inability to attain a minimal standard of living.
However, according to UN’s World Summit on Social Development (Copenhagen Declaration), poverty is a condition characterized by severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, education and information.

Further more, UNDP (1997) argued that “poverty means that opportunities and choices most basic to human development are denied-to lead long, healthy, creative life and to enjoy a decent standard of living, freedom, dignity, self respect and respect of others”.

There are mainly two types of poverty these include:
Absolute poverty: This is a situation where incomes are so low that even a minimum standard of nutrition shelter and personal necessities cannot be maintained.
Relative poverty: This refers to people whose basic needs are met, but who in terms of their social environment still experience some disadvantage. The people are surviving but may be materially disadvantaged compared to others in society.

It is true the poor are trapped, but there can be ways in which they can be helped to free themselves from this poverty entrapment as it will be discussed later on. However, a discussion of how the poor are trapped is given below:
Chambers (1983) has argued that the poor are trapped in a cycle of poverty called the deprivation trap. He identifies five types of disadvantages that are experienced by the poor and which reinforce each other to trap households in poverty. These disadvantages include Poverty, Physical weakness, Isolation, vulnerability and Powerlessness. He noted that when household or people are trapped it becomes hard for them to escape from this trap. Below is an illustration of how each form of deprivation creates further forms, entrapping the poor.






The Deprivation Trap














Source: Chambers. R (1983:112)

The above deprivation trap is explained in the following ways:
Poverty: This is a situation where a household has few or no assets. For example the household has no land or has land which does not assure or barely assures subsistence. Poverty is a strong determinant of other disadvantages. It leads to physical weakness through lack of food, and inability to reach or even pay for health services. It contributes to isolation due to the inability to pay the cost of schooling, travel or buy a radio. Poverty reinforces vulnerability through lack of assets to pay large expenses or to meet emergencies, and it contributes to powerlessness because lack of wealth goes with low status. When some one is poor he or she lacks a voice and can not influence any decision in his or her favour.

Physical weakness: Generally poor households are large with a high ratio of dependants to able bodied adults. These include the elderly, the children, the sick and handicapped. Such household need a great deal of food but due to little income it becomes hard for them to acquire their basic needs. Due to the high number of people and limited food, malnutrition and undernourishment set in. Physical weakness leads to poverty through the low productivity of weak labour, and an inability to cultivate larger piece of land. It also leads to poverty through low wages that are paid to women and those that are weak and also though withdrawal of labour due to illnesses. It reinforces isolation because due to illnesses people may not be able to attend meetings or seek information. It accentuates powerlessness through lack of energy or time for political participation, protests. It contributes to vulnerability by restraining the poor household’s ability to over come a crisis through hard work, new activities, or negotiations for help.

Isolation: The household is located in the periphery and detached from the out side world, and lack infrastructures like roads, communication net works, schools, medical facilities. This to poverty because services do not reach those who are remote, due to lack of educational facilities, members of such households are illiterate and can not read information of economic value and also find it hard to obtain loans from money lending institutions. It contributes to physical weakness, because such a household may have a high level of migration of able-bodied persons to town living behind the old, young, sick and handicapped who are of less or no economic value. Isolation also contributes to vulnerability. Remote areas are more likely to face crop failures and floods and do not have services to handle emergences like famine and diseases and are liable to suffer manipulation by middlemen. Isolation contributes to powerlessness, because it leads to lack of contact with political leaders or legal counsel, and not knowing which decision are being made due lack of knowledge of meeting.

Vulnerability: This is a situation where a household has few buffers against contingencies. This leads to poverty through the sale or mortgage of productive assets and this may be even at a less value. It contributes to physical weakness because in order for a household to be in position to handle emergencies, time and energy has to be substituted for money. It reinforces isolation through the withdrawal to distant areas and fewer reciprocal relationships following shocks and emergencies.
Vulnerability contributes to powerlessness through dependence on others for survival

Powerlessness: In most cases if not all, poor households are voiceless. It leads to poverty mainly through the exploitation of the poor by the rich; it limits the poor household’s access to resources from the government. It is nearly impossible for the powerless people to attract government attention, lack legal redress, and they are subject to bribe to be helped. They have limited negotiating powers, and usually earn from other households. It reinforces physical weakness because, for the powerless time and energy have to be devoted to queuing for access, labour obligations to the patrons reduce labour available for the household production and earning which leads to shortage of food and other basic necessities. Powerlessness links to isolation through the inability of those who are powerless to attract government services like infrastructures like schools, health centers, roads and communication networks. Powerlessness also makes the poor more vulnerable to sudden demands for the payments of loans, to threat of prosecution and fine or imprisonment, or to demands for a bribe in a dispute.

However, though the poor are trapped as discussed above, we shouldn’t stop talking about poverty eradication. It should be noted that it is important to keep talking about a problem, since it helps in generating ideas or solutions to the problems. The poverty trap can be escaped, and the chronic poverty Report (2008-2009:105-113) indicated some of the ways to help the poor escape or break the trap these include: - Nets of social protection, particularly through cash transfers to households; Public services for the hard to reach poor; Anti-discrimination and Gender empowerment measures; Building individual and collective assets, and Strategic urbanization and Migration policies.

Social protection and social assistance: It should be noted that State-provided social protection, and social assistance, has a vital role to play in reducing the insecurity that breeds poverty. It is affordable, can be politically acceptable, and can develop solidarity by distributing risk across a population. Social protection helps in tackling the life-course and intergenerational implications of poverty.

It was noted by chamber, R (1983: 112) that the poor are powerless therefore, they lack political representation and power, which negates their status as citizens. There is therefore a need for executive actors and midlevel bureaucrats to champion their cause. Urban–rural politics is also important. The urban poor are visible and can be threatening to urban elites; they are therefore sometimes able to make stronger claims than the rural poor, through social and political movements and effective local government representation.

Civil society organizations also have an important role to play. Whilst direct lobbying has only rarely played a critical role in initiating social protection measures, civil society organizations appear to be a significant force in helping recipient groups form a policy constituency capable of protecting social protection policies, once they are in place.

Elites and the people in government need to be convinced that the poor face significant constraints that require public action. They should know that poverty is in most cases caused by factors beyond the control of the deprived group, and donors need to make long-term commitments, to encourage governments to follow suit.
It should be noted that not only does social protection provide security for the poorest and most marginalized people, through maintaining minimum consumption levels. For example improving nutrition, education and healthcare and asset holdings, but it can also help to build a momentum for much wider societal changes. It can help to stimulate economic growth, increase agency, choice, and economic entitlement, increase demand for key public services, and foster the social compact between the citizens and the state.

Public services for the hard to reach: In the discussion above, it was noted that, isolation and physical weakness are some of the disadvantages faced by the poor, the poor lack education facilities, access to opportunities, information, transport and communication facilities which leads to illness, to mention but a few. To over come this, equitable and free access to public services for the poor is a fundamental intervention. In particular, reproductive health services and post-primary education are key areas that deserve much greater attention and expenditure.

Bringing services to the poor is certainly a challenge due to limited resources and other factors. But interventions in reproductive health, education and nutrition complement each other, forming a virtuous circle of social and economic development. Markets alone do not ensure universal access to basic social services. Public action is vital, regardless of whether an economy is centrally planned or market-oriented. The state has a key role to play in ensuring adequate coverage of services mainly in rural areas, because private providers and professionals tend to be concentrated in urban areas, where the greatest demand and returns to investment can be found.
Social investments are important because they increase its efficiency. For example, if the population is educated this will ensure that in case investments are made for example in health infrastructure, there will be a strong demand for health services. This will help tackle poverty caused through lack of access and affordability of social services

The building of individual and collective assets: It was noted in the above discussion that the poor are vulnerable because they lack assets to off set risks, and they are also excluded from employment opportunities and the growth process. Those who are healthy work hard, but without much education their opportunities are limited. A lack of secure land and housing in urban areas, plus livestock and tools in rural areas, compounds their disadvantages. Without access to formal credit and insurance markets, assets are frequently sold off at very low prices in times of distress.
It should be noted that asset holdings increase the personal or collective agency of the poor. The more assets a household has, the more influence it has in social networks and transactions, as well as in formal financial markets. This applies to psychological assets, as well as physical and social assets. Though the non-material assets are less tangible, there is no doubt they can play a vital role in reducing poverty.

Social protection has a strong role to play in protecting and accumulating assets. Schemes can increase individual assets, either indirectly through cash transfers, or directly through asset transfers. The provision of basic collective assets, such as basic water and sanitation services in urban locations and roads, decent schools buildings and health facilities in rural locations, plays a vital role in forming and sustaining human capital. This is often the basis for the accumulation of further assets. Social movements also have a vital role to play in mobilizing around key issues such as housing or the provision of basic water and sanitation facilities.

Further more, in areas or regions characterized by high levels of asset inequality like in land and other productive assets, the government may carry out a redistribution exercise. However, to ensure fair asset distribution, a redistribution of assets themselves should not be carried out. But rather the redistribution has to be incorporated into the fiscal system. This can be done through progressive taxation. For example of capital gains from land sales, to finance public spending that creates better livelihoods and human capital for the poor. This will help reduce vulnerability of the poor, since they will acquire assets that will put them in a better position to offset risks.

Anti-discrimination and gender empowerment policies: Policies should be put in place to ensure progress towards social inclusion, achieving greater levels of ‘agency’ and economic choice, and enabling gender empowerment. This can be achieved through processes of transformative social change. There are powerful policy levers in five key areas:

Legal rights: Formal equality before the law, including constitutional declarations of equality, explanation of the rights of certain groups, the ability to seek legal redress; also access to justice, and elimination of discrimination from the justice system. The poor will be helped to gain power and equal footing with other people.

Political representation: For example, supporting members of discriminated-against groups, or ensuring their representation in legislature, and other types of engagement with formal political processes. When this is implemented vulnerable groups like the youth, women, elderly, to mention but a few will be helped to get their views reach the policy makers.

Economic resources: For example, prohibiting discrimination in labour markets or access to finance, redistributive tax or benefits systems to help discriminated-against groups.
This includes environmental issues, such as land and water usage, natural resource-based livelihoods. As citizens of the country the poor should get equal access to resources just like other people, this will help them to carry out economic activities, which in the end leads to improved standard of living

Key public services: Key services especially those most needed by the poor should be availed to them. These include service like education, health, and housing. Education will help the poor to get knowledge and skills which will help them to acquire jobs. Health and housing and other welfare services will help the poor over come physical weakness, and will be in position to carry out economic activities which will improve their wellbeing.

Attitudes and perceptions: Policies such as mass media campaigns, and the promotion of grassroots initiatives, can help to tackle hard-to-legislate-against discrimination (such as domestic violence). Role models play a vital function here.

Gender empowerment can be supported through antidiscrimination legislation. It can also be underpinned by many other means. There should be access to reproductive health services and post-primary education, as two ways of supporting gender empowerment. There is a need to find significant political energy to support the new MDG target for universal access to reproductive health. It requires concerted support. Participating in the demographic transition needs to be seen as a basic right – the poor should not have to wait for this. However, it should be noted that legislation should not end on statue books but they should be implemented and enforced.

Strategic urbanization and migration: The poor generally are isolated and it is rear for them to move, but where it is possible, migration can extend agency and the range of economic choice. It can also loosen exploitative and constraining social relationships, such as caste or class systems, or those characterized by the difficult exchange between security and the possibility of future improvements. Migration can also help to ‘liberate’ women from conservative rural constraints. However, most urban populations and government are often persistently hostile to migrants, resulting in exclusion and discrimination. In addition to inclusive economic growth, which generates employment opportunities, creating a favorable environment for migration can be achieved through public information campaigns to counter negative stereotypes and the reform of social services, to make them more accessible to migrants.

Further more, urbanization if properly managed, can benefit the poor. It can provide escape routes from adverse economic and social relationships; improve rural access to services and social capital; and generate political mobilization. There are good and underused policy levers to spread the benefits of urbanization: infrastructure development; regional development policies; and city policies on employment. Not only can urbanization provide opportunities for those who engage directly – urban residents, migrants and suppliers of goods and services – it also has indirect effects on wage rates and prices. This will help to break the deprivation trap by dealing with isolation of the poor

Urbanization itself often creates potentially volatile political pressures, which can lead to pro-poor policy, such as the creation of trade unions and social movements. Such political forces can help translate the benefits from urban economic growth into improvements in human development indicators for all urban inhabitants.

In conclusion, as discussed above it is true that the poor are trapped in the cycle of poverty. However, we shouldn’t give up on the idea of poverty eradication, because it is possible for the poor to be helped to free themselves from the trap. Some of the ways in which the poor can be helped to escape poverty have been given above. However, it should be noted that such efforts should allow greater participation of the poor to ensure their empowerment in order for them to determine their own destiny and to ensure sustainability of such efforts.





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